Trump hotel fails in suit against unionizers

Trump Ruffin
Commercial, LLC v. Local Joint Executive Board Las Vegas, Culinary Workers
Union Local 226, No. 15-cv-01984, 2016 WL 4208437 (D. Nev. Aug. 8, 2016)
Plaintiff
corporations own and operate Trump Hotel Las Vegas. Defendants are labor unions
attempting to unionize Trump Hotel Las Vegas employees. On October 8, 2015,
Trump gave a speech in Las Vegas; Trump Hotel Las Vegas does not have a large
enough space to host the event, so Trump’s speech took place at the Treasure
Island Hotel.
Plaintiffs alleged
that defendants circulated a flyer with a photo of people carrying picket signs
with the words “No Contract No Peace” and a banner reading “MAKE AMERICA GREAT
AGAIN! MR. TRUMP, START HERE” above Defendants’ names and logos. It continued:
Donald Trump is in Las Vegas this evening. Even though he owns a hotel
here, he is staying at the Treasure Island Hotel & Casino (TI). Workers at
the TI are members of the Culinary Union. They make an average of $3.33 more
per hour than Trump workers, have affordable health insurance, and a secure
retirement. Meanwhile, Donald Trump has refused to agree to a fair process for
workers at his hotel to form a union. If Trump chooses to stay in a union
hotel, why can’t Trump Hotel workers choose to form a union?
The Flyer encouraged
its readers to “[t]alk to your committee leaders about your right to participate
in Union activities[.]”
Plaintiffs sued for
violation of the Lanham Act and deceptive trade practices under Nevada
law.  Though plaintiffs adequately
alleged falsity, they didn’t allege “commercial advertising or promotion.”  The court cited a definition that included
“commercial competition with plaintiff,” but that didn’t matter to its
analysis, which is good because of the unlikelihood that competition is
required post-Lexmark.  Instead, the court concluded that the alleged
statements weren’t commercial speech. They were, according to the complaint, “designed
to call attention to the [labor] dispute” and “intended to, and would have the
tendency to cause, harm to the reputation of Trump Hotel Las Vegas.” That
didn’t make the statements advertisements for a product or service, nor a
proposal for commercial transactions nor did that allege that the statements
were motivated by defendants’ commercial interests. Further, “[n]egative
commentary … does more than propose a commercial transaction and is,
therefore, non-commercial.”

The dismissal was
without prejudice, and the court also dismissed the state-law claims as a
matter of its discretion.

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Burr Shot First

Hamilton/Star Wars crossover: what IP rights, if any, are implicated?  Does it matter whether the ad copy mentions Hamilton?

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Cheerios Protein name might be more bluff than buff

Coe v. General
Mills, Inc., No. 15-cv-05112, 2016 WL 4208287 (N.D. Cal. Aug. 10, 2016)
Plaintiffs alleged the
name “Cheerios Protein” was misleading because it implied that the product is
essentially the same as Cheerios, only with added protein. Cheerios Protein
does have more protein than regular Cheerios (7 grams per serving versus 3
grams per serving), but plaintiffs alleged that the amount of additional
protein wasn’t material, particularly considering the larger serving size and
calories per serving of Cheerios Protein. Plaintiffs calculated that 200 [grams?]
of Cheerios contained 6 grams of protein, whereas 200 grams of Cheerios Protein
contained 6.4 or 6.7 grams of protein, depending on the flavor (Oats &
Honey or Cinnamon Almond).  Moreover, “Cheerios
Protein” was allegedly misleading because it said nothing about added sugar. A
single serving of Cheerios contains only 1 gram of sugar, but a single serving
of Cheerios Protein contains 16 or 17 grams of sugar.  Plaintiffs also challenged certain label
statements: that the product provides “a great start to your day,” enables you
to “start your school day right,” and allows you to “kick-start your day.” And
they challenged a “Fuel Up” ad, in which a NASCAR driver picks up a child
and races him to school, where “he is fed Cheerios Protein pit-stop style.” They
brought California and New York claims.
GM argued FDCA
preemption, and plaintiffs argued that their claims were “identical to the
federal labeling requirements.”  They
alleged violations of some specific regulations about food naming, which the
court found were inapplicable because “Cheerios” is not the common or usual
name of the food or of an ingredient. 
However, the FDCA also calls a food “misbranded” if its “labeling is
false or misleading in any particular.” 
“By its terms, the express preemption provision does not bar the
enforcement of state laws imposing requirements of that type – that is, a
state-law mirror of the requirement in § 343(a)(1) addressing false or
misleading labels.”  The only limit is
that a claim under this provision would be barred if the challenged aspects of
the label complied with a specific federal regulation. A statement cannot be
“false or misleading” “where challenged conduct is expressly required or
permitted by FDA regulations.”
GM argued that “Cheerios
Protein” was a permissible implied nutrient content claim under FDA regulations
that allow certain statements about the amount or percentage of a nutrient.  But “Cheerios Protein” didn’t imply that the
product contains any certain amount or percentage, or make a “good source”
claim (also regulated). Plaintiffs’ claims fell under the catch-all provision and
weren’t preempted.
The court also
dismissed a few statements as puffery, but found that the factual status of
most were not suitable for resolution on a motion to dismiss.  Though the box disclosed the sugar content
and said “sweetened,” those were less prominent than other components of the
label, including the “Cheerios Protein” name and the number of grams of protein
in each serving.  “While the Court is
skeptical that a reasonable consumer would be misled by the labeling of
Cheerios Protein, it cannot say, construing the allegations in a light most
favorable to Plaintiffs, that it would be impossible for Plaintiffs ‘to prove
that a reasonable consumer was likely to be deceived.’”  The other label statements were also not
subject to dismissal because they might contribute to the deceptiveness of the
package as a whole.
However, the “fuel
up” claims in the TV ad were  “too
general to constitute an actionable statement. The advertisement’s claims that
eating Cheerios Protein is akin to ‘fueling up’ a race car driver are ‘so
exaggerated as to preclude reliance by consumers,’ and ‘a reasonable consumer
would not interpret the statement as a reliably factual claim.’”

The court also
agreed with “the majority view…that a plaintiff must allege the intent to
purchase a product in the future in order to have standing to seek prospective
injunctive relief.” The injunctive relief request was dismissed with leave to
amend.

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IPSC: Closing Plenary Session

The Nature of
Sequential Innovation
Christopher
Sprigman, Christopher Buccafusco & Stefan Bechtold
How to pick between
innovating or borrowing.  “Cinderella Man”
is harder to develop than another movie about Rocky.  Risky, as is question about whether to
develop another erectile dysfunction drug. 
Differently risky.  In our
framework, innovation is not always optimal, either privately or socially.
Innovation doesn’t produce novelty by necessary; borrowing isn’t necessarily a
change from stasis. 
Literature on
innovation and the firm; literature on IP and sequential creativity.  There’s a rich literature on innovative
firms, but what about borrowing firms? 
Factors that influence sequential innovation. Literature has looked at
legal factors, esp. IP law.  We want to
broaden that focus to consider not just legal factors but others—market,
behavioral, tech/artistic.
IP laws affect the
scope of available innovation space.  For
example, blocking patents allow more room for sequential innovation than ©’s
derivative works rights.  But also:
administrative law, tort law, tax law—differentially treats innovation v.
borrowing.  Nonlegal factors: maturity of
the field.  Borrowing expands until a
certain point and then leapfrog innovations redefine/expand the innovation
space.  In smartphone, innovation is
highly dependent on borrowing, as opposed to painting. Tacit knowledge:
difficult to convey; can reduce borrowing. 
Market factors: consumers’ taste for innovation in a particular field v.
borrowing.  Low tolerance for borrowing in
paintings; high tolerance for borrowing in pharmaceuticals. Market
participant/intermediaries: PROs lead to a lot of borrowing of musical
compositions.
Behavioral factors:
risk/uncertainty tolerance (innovation has greater risk profile); optimism bias
(sanguine about ability to create/invent around); creativity effects (upstream
creators may overprice inputs to downstream). 
Much more complicated than changing the law to create a clear fix.  Policy levers: if you try to shift pharma
from borrowing to innovation, will there be factors in market/tech that push
against this or are legal factors from other areas, such as tax, much cheaper
way to shift mix of innovation and borrowing in a particular field?
Lemley: innovation
often goes along w/having to take a license b/c of patent threats.  How does that affect your space?  The story for innovating v. borrowing assumes
that I put in the uncertain, risky work but may get a valuable reward, one part
of which is insulation from control by other people. That might be more true in
©, but not true in patent.  May drive
people in a curious, ironic way towards borrowing.
Sprigman: in patent,
b/c independent invention isn’t a defense, part of risk of innovation is info
risk, and that might not be fixed by search. 
Q: overlap in
rights?
Sprigman:
location/negotiation of lots of rightsholders can be a problem. Smartphones =
tons of transaction costs.
Rosenblatt: I could
imagine exactly the opposite story—if creators are risk and uncertainty averse,
they’re less likely to borrow b/c they don’t know what the law will do
(uncertain about legal effects of their actions), so they’ll go away as far as
possible. Optimism bias could drive them to think they won’t be sued or that
they won’t be found to be infringing.
Buccafusco: there
are probabilities on both sides of the equation, so it’s really hard. You can’t
be uncertainty averse to both; what matters is relative salience; whether
people treat those as losses v. gains, etc.
Q: what about people
who just decide not to take either risk? 
[People v. firms? One might decide to be an employee, but can a firm
decide this?]
Buccafusco: theory
of the firm literature does assume that you plan to act. What decisions will
you make and how?  You’re right that you
could ask why people decide to act in the market at all, but we are taking a
different temporal slice.
Copyright and
Distributive Justice
Justin Hughes &
Robert Merges
Distributive
justice: where does the money
go?  Claims in IP scholarship are that
copyright has mostly enriched big corporations. 
Copyright could improve distribution of wealth in terms of money and
property. © offers significant benefits of wealth to individuals at all levels,
which should not be overlooked. © is particularly important in allowing
African-Americans to convert labor and talent into money and wealth.  Rawls: arguably the most important part of
his framework is the difference principle. Inequalities are permissible if they
have the greatest benefit to the least advantaged.  But Rawls’ actual difference principle isn’t just
concerned w/the bottom—should be concerned with society, from the bottom
up.  It’s fine to improve the middle and
the top as long as you don’t worsen conditions for those at the bottom.
© improves wealth
distribution to middle class. Peter DiCola’s money for music study: pro
musicians derive 10% of income on average from ©; we think that undercounts
what’s happening.  Collecting societies
distribute enormous amounts of money to creative professionals.  Five years, two PROs collecting only for
compositions only for public performance distributed $4.1 billion to
individuals. Also should include amounts distributed under Hollywood’s
collective bargaining system.
Procedural
protections for individual authors to make their rights sticky.  The most powerful but glorious and beautiful
mystery—the statutory termination of transfer right.  If we wanted to strengthen © as a
distributive tool for creative professionals, we’d look more at these bells and
whistles.
Second principle:
inequalities are permissible only if attached to offices/positions open to all
under conditions of equal opportunity. True meritocracy. American society has
failed to provide equal opportunity, and no group has suffered more than
African-Americans. But this is a bright spot for © distribution.  ©, warts and all, arguably provides the most
robust mechanism for the most disadvantaged group in American society. We say
this acknowledging tremendous problems w/actually ensuring that
African-Americans receive the full benefits of ©. Fumi Arewa, K.J. Greene,
others, have written about this. But their typical diagnosis is not weaker
rights but broader or better enforcement. And despite all those problems, list
of wealthiest Af-Ams almost all derive from ©-based industries, principally
music and broadcasting rights.  In an era
when tech seems to be weakening middle class incomes, we should pay att’n to
ability for © to protect individuals. 
Does © exacerbate or
ameliorate the skewed distribution of wealth in our society? The latter; we
should focus on strengthening income from ©.
Q: © can channel
individual rewards, but does favor superstar imbalances b/t individuals.
Winner-take-all: worse overall?
Merges: long tail
distribution issues; very unfair and averages hide the unfairness. But when you
look at distribution from BMI/ASCAP, have to compare that to research talking
about income of average musicians. 
Dan Burk: If I don’t
buy Rawls and instead like Nash, do I have to buy your paper?
Merges: It’s a good
way to analyze copyright in a rigorous way. You don’t have to ask if the least
well off are rigorously compensated, but you can ask if © contributes to the
wellbeing of non-superstars in a meaningful way.  We think it’s even easier to meet that
standard.

Buccafusco: you tell a story about a few people, which is odd in a paper about
distribution.  There’s no counterfactual
showing that distribution would be different in another © world.  But more importantly, your story is about the
people at the bottom and middle but your evidence is about people at the
top.  Do you have evidence that in making
the top better off you’re not making the bottom worse off?
Merges: nor is there
any evidence they are worse off.  No
reason to believe that © has made them worse off w/o rewarding/compensating
them w/ entertainment value.  That’s just
our assumption and we’re going with it. [OK then.  It is a condition of Rawlsian justice and therefore of the
premise of your paper, but ok.]
Buccafusco: Term of
transfer rewards currently wealthy at the expense of the currently poor.  People who are selling rights now = less valuable
contracts because they can be terminated if they’re successful, and those
people starting out are poor now.
Hughes: most people
who know the industry think that’s dumb b/c no one goes into a contract
thinking that any record will have value in 29 years. Termination benefits
10,000 songwriters you’ve never heard of and they’re just as important as Bruce
Springsteen. [Is that how many terminations there have been?  I’m pretty sure there haven’t been.]
Rosenblatt: is this exclusivity
based?  Mix tapes, sampling—a good deal
of innovative copying. Worth taking into account.
Merges: Voluntary
decisions to waive rights to build market share can be very effective. But once
you cross a threshold © is valuable to protect your rights. [I don’t think that
was the point, but ok.]
Anupam Chander:
Income makes people better off, which is great. The other side is monopoly
rents, and those rents are being paid by someone. What’s the distributional
effect of the monopoly rents?  You said
this was good for the middle class, but your example was 25 people for whom ©
is very good.  What is happening w/people
at the bottom? Are you relying implicitly on violations of © by people at the
bottom?
Hughes: We were
certain that people would think we were talking about distribution of wealth to
Af-Am community as a whole. [Possibly because that’s what distributional
discussions usually entail and what Rawls seeks with his first principle, which
you discussed at the beginning?  Or possibly because of these sentences from the opening paragraph of the paper: “Is our copyright system basically fair? Does it exacerbate or ameliorate the skewed distribution of wealth in our society? Does it do anything at all for disempowered people, people at the bottom of the socio-economic hierarchy? In this Article we engage these questions.”  Stupid readers!] Rawls = equal access to stations and offices.
For Af-Am community, access to highest offices of wealth is through ©. We aren’t
talking about distribution to other groups or within the Af-Am community. [Not
clear what distributive justice has to do with the claims, then; you might be
making a claim about openness to talent, but that actually is only one part the overall Rawlsian framework–the way that inequality is justified within a society that has adhered to the minimax principle.]  Access to Madonna isn’t the same thing as
access to medicine, anyway.
[There is a
plausible narrative here that has appeal: because of lower capital costs of entry,
entertainment has been one of the easier ways for some extremely talented African-Americans
to make lots of money, whereas other methods of discovering and exploiting
talent often require capital—cf. Bill Gates and Steve Jobs’ access to significant
social and physical capital, including their ability to trespass and break
things, which could have proved lethal to African-American boys.  However, the implication of putting it that
way would not seem to be “© should be stronger” but rather “hey, that’s terrible; other means of exercising great talent ought to be equally open to
African-Americans too.”  If anything, the
relative disparity feeds into a critique that American culture too readily
channels African-American talents into entertainment and sports fields; the
solution to inequality is not to close off those opportunities, but neither is it
to double the number of NFL teams and have the government fund a lot of music purchases, nor to mandate Content ID for all websites.]
IP, Privacy Harms
and other Fundamental Values
Jessica Silbey
Misalignment of law
with values of creators. Many described liability problems; problems
w/trustworthy help such as studio assistants, business managers.  These aren’t IP problems most of the time.
Sometimes they’d be fit into IP, but not a good fit. 
Equality, privacy,
and distributive justice are the values that creators seek, but typically not a
lot of place in our conversations about IP levers, efficiencies, markets, and
entitlements.  We need a theory of what
Progress is. Not necessarily about wealth aggregation/more stuff.  Some may consider some of the problems to be
IP overreach, but that begs the question of what IP is for and what fundamental
values ordinary creators want to use IP to protect.
Rough project:
equality, privacy, fairer uses, abuses. 
Here, focus on privacy.  Five
clusters that explain different privacy interests and harms. Goal: understand
in broader cultural way.  Constitutional
concerns: privacy as condition of spaces & things (houses etc.); bodily
privacy; mind and relationships (religion, speech).  Nonconstitutional: info privacy: public
disclosure of private facts; misappropriation; false light; intrustion on
seclusion.  Three things we care about: independent
thought (ability to formulate one’s own ideas); fortifying relationships
(bodies and privacy among communities); flourishing culture and science (allows
public realm to succeed).
Cases brought by
heirs: copyright war over Duchamp chess set. 
JD Salinger, Ted Hughes, James Joyce. These cases are really about
nostalgia for family relationships. They aren’t literary reputation cases; they’re
about family memories trying to preserve them w/o interference of others.
Owning memories is futile, though.
Authors and owners
enjoining publication of previously unpublished works. Intrusion into
seclusion; spatial privacy as well as intellectual privacy. Willa Cather didn’t
want anything published after her death—free from constraint of oversight of
others.
Limited publication:
breach of confidential relations/trust. 
Snapchat, FB, email.  Digitally,
these limited publications don’t really exist any more. IP claims are tempting to
punish a breach of confidentiality.
Fair use cases:
recontextualization of works that have already been published.  NYT sued David Shields for thumbnail images
in a book criticizing NYT photos; graffit artists objecting to being used as
backdrop for ads.  His lawyer: if they
didn’t want to work with him, they could fuck themselves and find someone else—he
wasn’t interested in licensing.
Last case: suit is
brought by subject of work. Copyright suit through assignment. 
Except for
unpublished work cases, process/purpose of creation is largely irrelevant in
these cases. These are claims about identity and affiliation being inseparable.
Privacy claims are bilateral—their contours are always defined by the interests
of others.  And so is IP as a balance b/t
ownership and access. Privacy requires intrusion; authorship requires public
domain.
Most of these cases
involve privacy losing; IP claims are much more disputed. If the interests are
similar and the claims are similar, culturally and values-wise, they probably
should rise and fall in a similar way. 
Payoff: (1) rethink
progress; (2) rethink value of rule of law, given blending of different types
of claims; if we care about that, we should think about alignment; (3)
discursive shift asks us to think about moral narratives; economic claims are
moral narratives but so are these. Language wars are policy wars, says George
Lakoff.
Linford: privacy
claims can be stalking horse for much less plausible claim. Is there a proper
way to police against this?  Monge v.
Maya.  P wins, suppressing wedding
photos.  Argument: Hurts them as
celebrities. 
A: that’s an
unpublished works case; it’s a strong privacy claim and for copyright. Should be
in the control of author/owner, just as intrusion into seclusion is strong
interest. My views have also changed about heirs’ restricting access to unpublished
(and unarchived) works.
Heymann: Law as
communicated by judges v. law as understood on the ground.  What does the feedback look like here in
terms of internalizing how the law should be used?
A: trying to figure
out recursive nature of law is sociological project. Giddens’ work on
structuration has levels of feedback loops. Just beginning to figure out how
meaning is shaped in different ways by different voices. Methodologically: what’s
the data here?  Anxious about that—need to
be clear about where the claims about domestication are coming from.
Q: have we seen
anything like this before w/r/t complicated legal framework w/ strong moral
narratives among general public and strong distributive justice components,
that is, w/tax? Is there an account of tax history that you could draw lessons
from?
A: Not so many
studies; there are studies of bankruptcy practice. 
What’s the Harm of
Trademark Infringement?
Rebecca Tushnet
Have to say
something outrageous to justify your hanging around for the very last speaker.
I thought about saying that I’d developed a new and coherent justification for
trademark dilution, but then I thought that even in the craziness 2016 has
brought us that still wasn’t credible. 
So instead I will challenge the basic function of trademark and the
crucial rule that I learned at my managing partner’s knee: the remedy for
trademark infringement is an injunction.
My challenge is both
casually empirical and more seriously normative: eBay asks us to rearticulate why the remedy for infringement ought to
be an injunction, and it turns out that the reasons for granting injunctions in
TM don’t make much sense outside the core purchase substitution situation that
so many trademark cases no longer resemble. 
And it turns out that when plaintiffs are asked to particularize their
harm stories, explaining why this confusion
is specifically likely to cause the plaintiff harm, they often aren’t very good
at it.
Old perspective,
articulated by Jeffrey Sanchez: “The basis for the presumption of irreparable
harm in trademark law is the known or proven fact that monetary relief from
trademark infringement is ‘inherently “inadequate” and injury is “irreparable.”’”  But by whom is this known and how was it
proven?
eBay rejected near-absolute
presumptions in favor of a patent owner, or plaintiffs generally, requiring a
plaintiff to show irreparable harm to get an injunction. Okay then: What is
irreparable harm?  Easy case: the
defendant has no money to pay damages. Might be reparable under other
circumstances, but not on these particular facts.  Counterfeiting cases may fall into this
category.  Medium cases: we’re convinced
that there is harm, but we don’t think it will be possible to measure the
amount. This is a relatively common justification for irreparability in TM
cases, but it has a real weakness: we need to distinguish between lack of
certainty about whether there is harm and certainty that there is harm plus
uncertainty about its amount, and that’s pretty hard to do with current
techniques in TM cases.
How have TM owners
traditionally gotten around this problem? 
By claiming harm to the intangible value of their goodwill.  Related question: What is goodwill?  TM owners tend to treat it as a word to
conjure with. But it faces the same problem as lost sales: if it’s a business
asset, it can usually be measured, because accountants and investors like that.
If it can be measured, harm to it ought to be measurable, which means it can at
least sometimes be cashed out in damages. 
Even if infringement
leads to lost customers and not just lost sales, it is possible to calculate
the present discounted value of a customer, not just a lost sale.  And of course lost customers are a big if, in
many cases—we say that disappointment in an infringing product may turn
customers away forever, but as Mark McKenna has painstakingly documented and I’ve
also written about, that’s really not likely to be true in most cases.  Strong brands are extremely resistant to change,
and we know this even in other TM contexts. My favorite example: courts and the
Trademark Trial and
Appeal Board have found that university mascots and names have retained
trademark
significance despite uncontrolled use by others for decades and, in one case,
for nearly two centuries.  People just
have terrible incident memories and usually substitute general impressions to
form their opinions about brands, which also leads them to make mistakes about,
say, who’s sponsoring the Olympics.  People
think about prominent brands when you cue them with the product area pretty
much no matter what, which, first, causes noise in confusion determinations,
but second and more importantly for my topic, throws doubt on the basic theory
of harm from non-counterfeiting infringement: people are walking around
confused about the relationships between famous brands and others all the time,
and the brands stay famous and profitable.
Often, what might be
lost by infringement, instead of “reputation,” is licensing revenue, which we
know from patent and copyright cases is usually reparable by damages.
Intermediate
conclusion: Goodwill is intangible but not generally unmeasurable outside of TM
cases. Perhaps notably, the one intangible harm that the SCt has been really
clear is irreparable is suppression of First Amendment rights, which is not an
irrelevant consideration in TM cases.
But suppose we
accepted that these negative effects on reputation could really occur from bad infringing
products.  Would that be irreparable harm
under eBay?  Even if we required the
plaintiff to prove a quality difference, the risk of harm to any particular
trademark owner would still be low. When we wait for evidence of such harm it
may fail to appear. At most, a poor quality brand extension makes consumers
less likely to be interested in a different, related brand extension in the
future. This is a market preclusion argument, not an argument for ongoing harm,
and it’s particularly unlikely to reflect an immediate risk to a trademark
plaintiff, which is what eBay supposedly looks for.  And the weakness of the reputation argument
also threatens another traditional argument in TM, which is that lost control
over one’s own reputation is inherently irreparable. That’s just a
misperception about risk, or a sub rosa lowering of the standard from likely to
theoretically possible.
The paper discusses
a few cases that demand more than just cursory statements about goodwill,
reputation, and control, and I’m largely in agreement with them. There are
still plenty of the traditional cases too, but their rationales are
increasingly creaky and come down to “we’ll let the district judge decide there’s
irreparable harm because lost control can be the basis of a finding of
irreparable harm even if it doesn’t have to
be,” which I don’t find very persuasive.  
One interesting
example: Uber Promotions, Inc. v. Uber Technologies, Inc. In this case, the
well-known national brand Uber Technologies was found to have caused actual
confusion with the transportation business of local senior user Uber Promotions
in Gainesville, Florida. In finding irreparable harm to Uber Promotions, the
court noted Uber Technologies’ extremely controversial and often downright bad
reputation. For example, the court pointed out that, as of the time it wrote
its opinion, top news stories for “uber florida” included numerous stories
about Uber Technologies’ exposure of a driver’s personal information, including
her social security number. It concluded: “With all due respect to Tech,
Promotions has every reason not to want potential customers and other members
of the public to associate it with a company that has inspired protests in
cities around the world.” Bad product extensions are one thing” confusion about
an association with poorly performing products isn’t likely to be harmful. Confusion
with a brand that triggers riots and boycotts could reasonably be predicted to
be substantially more harmful.
What next?  I think greater attention to the harm stories
of particular kinds of infringements could help courts understand what
academics have been saying about the overexpansion of infringement liability to
situations where there’s no real benefit to consumers and potentially severe
harm to competition or free expression. 
My usual hobby horse: materiality is also useful in figuring out which
cases might involve irreparable harm.
Q: What about harm
to the consumer?
A: (1) Doctrinally,
separate factor. (2) Turns out that w/o harm to TM owner, it’s hard to explain
how consumers would be harmed either.
Lemley: Not
doctrinally separate for sure except in 9th Circuit, and they’re
weird.  [True.] Why shouldn’t it be a
balancing test?  Why shouldn’t we enjoin
when there is harm to public even if $ would redress the TM owner’s injury?
A: I am persuadable
on whether there should be a balancing test, esp. with factors (1) and (2)—if there
is no adequate remedy at law I would often want to call that irreparable.
However, I’m not convinced that TM owners are good proxies for harm to
consumers.  If consumers are harmed, they
should (or consumer protection authorities should) act on their own behalf; we
generally ask plaintiffs to have standing by showing harm to themselves, and so
too here.
McKenna: Throwing
consumers into balance weakens argument for injunctive relief: evidence
suggests that consumers can adapt to new marketplace if they learn they can’t
rely on this as a signal—they just create sub-brands, excepting cases where the
products are really close.
A: thanks; should
also consider people benefited by D’s conduct.
Ramsey: when likely
confusion is found, court shifts into anti free riding mentality, lets TM owner
control uses. Makes sense that they’d instinctively grant injunctions.
A: Interestingly,
eBay says you’re not supposed to do that even for “property” rights—as we’ve
seen in other papers, property/liability isn’t that simple a split and it’s a
lot more complicated than enjoining “property” violations.
Rosenblatt: Isn’t
part of the concern durational—the longer confusion persists, the more likely
irreparable harm is?

A: Except I think
the evidence for that is poor.  Confusion
may be harmless and stay harmless even if it doesn’t dissipate.  Suppose the D’s product isn’t yet crappy but
might theoretically become so—that’s not likely
irreparable harm, just possible harm; it doesn’t meet the standard set out. 

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IPSC Breakout Session IV

Empirical Copyright
Copyright Misuse: A Taxonomy
Ann Bartow
Occasionally called copyright misuse; non-US countries call
it something else, but trying to taxonomize a certain type of misbehavior.  Some of this is not currently called misuse: using
© to try to cover facts and ideas—books that value baseball cards, etc.  Judges use a “reverse merger” doctrine: you
have copyrightable expression in facts if the facts look creative to the judge.  That’s suspiciously like sweat of the brow,
but work + value = claims for expression. 
Trying to cover things instead of works: Digital handshake cases, where “expression”
is used to control a device.   Quality King: grey market goods.  Chinese are worried about Kirtsaeng: publishers may stop making
$20 textbooks.  Gutting of first sale via
contract.  Copyright trolling: buying up
(or not!) copyrights just to sue. 
Pornographers make it an art: special shaming techniques to make people
pay—“barely legal,” racist, gay porn.
Lisa Ramsey: what happens if we call these all copyright
misuse?
A: more coherence.  ©
owner loses more often.
Eric Goldman: I didn’t hear antitrust in this list—do you
want to expand on the relation b/t © misuse and antitrust?  Or is misuse a broader principle?  My struggle: the whole point of © is to shut
down competition—that’s its intrinsic nature. So rules of engagement say “this
kind of shutting down competition is ok,” and then other types of competition
you can’t shut down.  If you can make the
good/bad distinction coherent that would be helpful.
A: that’s what I’d like, w/r/t things like “reverse merger.”  If judges could fit patterns into a larger
scheme it might help deal w/pushing the boundaries of copyright. 
Sharon Sandeen: consider earlier cases. A lot of the problem
w/abusive litigation is C&D letters, choosing to sue in improper venue; Ds
may capitulate before it’s litigated. Additional category of misuse?
Ramsey: different remedy, like threats action?
Ariel Katz: Posner says misuse is just antitrust and thus
unneeded, then changes his mind later about © misuse—antitrust articulates a
principle that should be followed; he sees misuse as more abuse of
process.  In many cases you can say that
you just don’t have copyright over the matter claimed.
Ramsey: interacts w/remedy: suppose P is trying to cover
facts; is entire copyright invalid?
Q: is this normative or descriptive? Licensing away fair use
is permitted by case law. 
A: My intent is to describe and then make normative claims
at the end.  [Perhaps if you fit together
the different branches it will be clearer whether particular versions stand
out.  You can’t contract away right to
use facts, apparently; but you can contract away fair use—why?]
Q: Video games: using © licenses to prevent use of bots in
games.  Is that ok?  Also, consider Brownmark v. South Park—letting
fair use be considered on motion to dismiss; first published case to use “copyright
troll.”
IP Theory
More Property-Like than Property: The Prevalence of Property
Rules in IP Remedial Schemes
B.J. Ard
Property rules allow holdouts/irrationality; liability rules
have pricing difficulties.  Dispute over
these rules is often linked to whether IP should be thought of as property or
not property.  Property = intentional
trespass. But property today defies any easy simplification.  We have a number of liability rules for
unwitting trespass, and for various holdout problems—most jurisdictions have
negligence standards for unintentional trespass. When it’s permanent intrusion and
nonnegligent, most courts will balance the equities and sometimes force a sale.
Nuisance is another classic case.  We can
imagine a strong property regime for nuisance, as in early English common law.  But a rule like that would have made
industrialization practically impossible; the current American approach often
awards damages.  And finally, direct
state takings uses a liability rule.
Contrast w/IP: © has mandatory statutory damages [for timely
registered works].  [See also: TM
counterfeiting.]  Punitive damages bear
little relation to harm caused; there’s often no solicitude for the inadvertent
infringement.  Fair use can cut through a
lot of potential transaction costs, but like the rest of ©, fair use doesn’t
care about willfulness/infringement.  Its
balancing test is about harm to owner and broader social benefit, but not
benefits to the would-be fair user.  Damages
may be out of sync w/harms.  Statutory
licenses: set prices for certain copying/transmission.  Public choice theory shows limits on the
effectiveness of this practice.  Won’t
address problems faced primarily by consumers, or for startups.
Patent: looks possibly like liability rule, given eBay. 
Reasonable royalty is the standard. However, courts still enjoin in the vast
majority of cases in which there is actual competition.  Fed. Cir. rules have made royalties
supercompensatory through various rules.
Seems backwards for three reasons. (1) Greater notice
failures exist in IP.  Land records are
better than for IP.  (2) Nonrivalrousness
of intangible goods.  (3)
Cumulative/overlapping nature of intellectual production. Smith argues that
modularity is an advantage of property rules: nonowners know to keep out.  IP doesn’t fit as easily in the same model;
what I do in producing my own film or machine may come from bundling together a
lot of rights.  In tangible property, we
often see liability rules deployed to facilitate this type of bundling.
Why not a negligence standard for patent? Inventor who
diligently searches is no better off than one who does no search at all, and
might be worse off if open to finding of willfulness. Negligence = patentees
have clearer incentive to provide notice. 
Short of that, we could at least have harder caps on non-negligent
infringers’ damages.
Don’t squeeze IP into Procrustean bed of real property.
Q: literature on inadvertent infringement in patent—Monsanto—coming to the nuisance type.  Don’t buy the assertion that real property
uses liability rules “more” than IP. 
More than we expect?  Is this
quantifiable?  What are your limiting
principles for reform?  Maybe everything
should be liability, but that also seems extreme.  Where do you draw the line?
A: mostly interested in notice failures/unwitting
infringers. That would be a major improvement. 
Another key principle: in service of designing patent and © to promote
the forms of innovation we want to promote—another empirical Q. Are we deterring
by punishing innocent infringers? Are we undermining incentives to
innovate?  We’d still have a
workable/productive system, but w/fewer problems.
Q: re: search.  If I
know that there’s something out there, I’m worse off if I don’t look than if I do.
Q: political economy perspective: real property analogy is
used to claim that cutbacks on IP are “takings.” You may want to point out that’s
not what you’re trying to do.
A: not trying to take a position on whether IP “is” property—pointing
out that “property” doesn’t work the way that certain people claim it does when
making arguments about IP.
RT: timely ©
registration: w/o it, no statutory damages and you’re in liability-land subject
to eBay; note move to add them in ©
Office’s small claims proposal.  Consider
TM, at the property/tort interface and struggling w/remedies.
Indiscrete Property
Michael Burstein
Once you define a res, the question is how to manage it.
Smith etc. argue that recognizing thingness of such assets allows
benefits.  Info is often not subject to
thingness in a way that goes beyond the costs of delineating the res. Info is
often indiscrete and continuous; the logic of mixing ownership and governance
strategies for it then becomes incoherent.
Commercialization may require coordination; if coordination
costs are minimized, that can make commercialization easier and have social
benefits. Thus the need for exclusion depends on the cost of delineating the
thing and signalling its existence as a thing. If you can easily say “keep out”
it might be easier to have an exclusion strategy. If you can more easily identify
a use, then governance strategies may be more effective/efficient.
Smith is quite subtle about governance/exclusion strategies
in IP, but others have taken position that if exclusion is a relatively low
cost way to coordinate downstream use, then we should try to push more subject
matter into exclusion strategies.
Our view is circumscribed by focus on delineation costs of
defining/identifying boundaries.  This
isn’t accurate depiction of info.  Info
science: “data, information, knowledge, wisdom” hierarchy, usually depicted as
a pyramid.   These correlate w/meaning and value—data is
less valuable/meaningful than info, which is less than knowledge.  [Knowledge is knowing that Frankenstein isn’t
the monster.  Wisdom is knowing that
Frankenstein is the monster.]  At each
stage there are transformations to move from one level to the next. This can
turn philosophical: “information is a verb, not a noun”—info is something you
need to do something with.  Economic
literature: knowledge is something that can be codified and exchanged, which
requires transformation, e.g., codifying tacit knowledge.  Economics talks about costs of codifying
tacit knowledge.  Strandburg: Self-revealing
v. non-self-revealing info; von Hippel: sticky v. nonsticky info. Some info is
easier to transfer than other info. 
Design theory: new private law has drawn on this for its concept of
modularity, but in design theory, modules can be designed. Choice can be made
consciously about what’s in and what’s out. Persons can design info
flows/exchange info selectively. 
Heterogeneity of info: how we develop info about info for purpose of
exchanging/transforming it. Pharma: core info is structure of molecule, but you
can develop info about the molecule that doesn’t reveal its structure but
reveals enough to facilitate exchange.
Discrete info, in his view, is separate or distinct.
Continuous info is inseparable.  Not all
info is indiscrete. Especially lower on the hierarchy. But indiscrete info is
different from real property. Bargained for exchange in real property is
possible when different people put different values on private goods. But indiscrete
info communicates value to different people in different ways.
When we propertize, the choice b/t exclusion and governance
is more complicated than many think. Exclusion strategies can be underinclusive
of social goal of promoting innovation; may also be overinclusive by preventing
communication of valuable information.
What result?  Explain
intuitions about content of IP—patentable subject matter.  Focus on rules and institutions that enable
people to structure info flows as they choose.
Ted Sichelman: isn’t this also true of real property? A
boundary around a piece of land: an entrant may not interfere w/uses of owner;
uses outside boundary may affect uses of owner. So we just have to figure out
whether over and underinclusiveness are worth the benefits we get from creating
the boundaries.  [Information
environmentalism redux!]  Most areas of
IP don’t protect info directly, but uses w/r/t that info.  Making, using, selling, offering to sell is
what patent covers, not “a molecule” as such.
A: under and overinclusivity operate differently, b/c it’s
much more difficult to anticipate relevant uses of asset, b/c intellectual
assets convey value continuously as opposed to land/bottle of water.  There are multiple uses of land/water, but
the way in which uses are communicated to people depends on characteristics of
the thing that are much easier to communicate/consistent than w/information.
Empirical Copyright
Pretty Please: Software Piracy Rates and Charismatic Appeal
Andrew Moshirnia
In combating illegal videogame downloads, is it more
effective to play nice or dirty? Not much research on vg piracy, though it’s an
enormous economic drain.  VG market is
about $100 billion, about 6x recording revenue. 
VG piracy is an ongoing resource drain not a single lost sale, if a game
requires updates/skins—pirated game will continue to consume bandwidth; go on
to help chats to get the game to work; people w/cracked versions can often
cheat in online games, ruining it for everyone. 
Major vector for malware, unlike music/movies which aren’t executable
files. Constant fear of crackdown in modding community, which overlaps w/pirate
community.  Artistic concern: move to
freemium, server-side games—constraints driven by something other than the
marketplace.  [Interesting definition of marketplace,
as if it existed w/o law.]
The scene: private newsgroups/torrents; picked up and
repackaged, often w/malware, into public torrents.  Justifications: cost; quality/sampling; DRM
backlash; anti-corporate ideology.
Countermeasures: DRM: endogenous DRM, where game detects it’s
pirated and messes w/player rather than locking them out.  Serious Sam: if you’re playing a pirated
version, a giant pink scorpion starts shooting you about a minute in.  Open pricing, which partially addresses cost
concerns.  Humble Bundle: dedicates
chosen percentage to charity. 
Charismatic appeal: forswearing DRM, making indie/personal appeal by
developers.  They distinguish between
themselves and EA (big bad). 
His belief: DRM will encourage piracy where DRM breaks the
game, as when Sim City’s authentication servers were down for a month.  As long as DRM can last 21 days, it
works.  You make your sales then; you
just want to prevent zero-day piracy. 
Open pricing may also work to limit privacy.  Emotional avenues are likely to be
ineffective, but might have interesting effects. Game quality will encourage
both piracy and legit sales. Attitude of publisher may weakly encourage piracy.  Appeals won’t have impact but may have
interaction w/open pricing.
Study design: data gathering now. Examine
downloaders/seeders of cracked games, identify factors influencing piracy of
individual titles, evaluate factors against claimed philosophy and behavioral
model. Looking at data from 2008 on; that was the explosion of torrenting
w/Spore.  Looking at torrents,
publishers; conduct regression and modeling to get a more tailored approach and
avoid a draconian response.
Torrent trackers: can look at number of downloads, but that
may be inflated b/c of multiple torrents; total number of seeders/leechers;
rank in downloads; torrenting of software is very top heavy—top 10 will account
for great majority of downloads at any given time.
Game data: DRM used, opening price, open price ever offered,
critic score/was it a sequel, publisher’s market share/employees/attitudinal
survey, charismatic appeal, number of legit copies sold.
Analysis will depend on data quality.  Difficulties: torrents aren’t only source;
false torrents; multiple downloads; poor records b/c it’s an occulted activity.
If I can only get ordinal rank, no parametric testing possible.
Matt Sag: is your plan to look at only games that have been
downloaded, or broader population of games? 
Don’t select on the dependent variable.
A: ID number of games and go through population.
Kerry Abrams: affordable alternatives as reducing piracy in
video, music—what about VGs?
A: fewer subscription services for new games in this realm.
There is the idea that we’re not concerned w/non-new games. Subscription
services tend to be not new games. But in terms of ease of access, there are
developments in digital distribution, mostly through Steam.  Online only access is also a move, but that
will limit the types of games that can be made and will limit modding.
Katz: do you distinguish b/t new games v. old/noncommercially
available? What about merchandising?
A: Most of the time, things out of the top 25 don’t have
data collected. Civ III fourteen years after the fact is not going to be big;
if it does show up I can control by year of release.  There are definitely economic advantages to
tangible goods: Master Chief T-shirt can’t be downloaded.  I’m not trying to calculate lost sales and
even pirates might buy the shirt.  I’m
more interested in change away from moddability and what might be done about
that.
Undetected Conflict of Laws Problems in Cross-Border Online
Copyright Infringement Cases
Marketa Trimble
WIPO recommended training and soft law improvements to deal
with crossborder cases; Trimble thinks more is required. WIPO report used only
two US cases, Zippo (largely overruled in most circuits) and magistrate judge
decision in Nevada, in its study of 56 cases. 
Trimble sampled infringement cases filed in 2013, 364 cases, under 10%
of those filed that year.  WIPO report is
underinclusive, but also overinclusive in looking for cases involving conflict
of laws.  Trimble’s sample is only
copyright cases, which has different inclusivity problems.  WIPO looked globally; US is very
specific/different.
Over 80% of cases were online infringement cases. 90% of
those involved online digital copies; 63% of online cases involved bittorrent;
74.7% of online cases were filed against John Doe defendants.  But in the entire sample, there was only one
case involving some conflict of law issue. Few defendants are foreign
domiciled.  But you won’t see the
conflict problem in many filed cases b/c the problems are so big for litigants
that they don’t even file cases against foreign defendants b/c they know how
difficult and costly it would be.

Need more coordination of rules, improvements in judicial
cooperation, and streamlining of judicial proceedings in cross border cases.
Maybe small claims proposal could offer a way forward.

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IPSC Breakout Session III

IP & Privacy
Exploring Privacy as Commons
Katherine Strandburg & Brett Frischmann
Knowledge production/privacy as highly related, not
orthogonal/opposed.  Knowledge production
framework as a way of doing descriptive empirical case studies of how privacy
works in context, which can aid policy design. Appropriate info flows take
place in complex and variable forms, and understanding the variations is
important.  Knowledge commons framework also
lines up w/Helen Nissenbaum’s work on contextual integrity in the privacy
realm. Norms and info transmission principles can be supplemented w/a broader
conception of governance.
Privacy is community management that applies to resources and
involves a group/community but doesn’t denote the resources, community, place,
or thing: privacy is the institutional arragnement of these elements.
Meeting under Chatham House rules: identify or affiliation
of speakers/participants can’t be revealed but participants are free to use the
info received. Is this privacy or knowledge commons? It is both: encourages
candor, openness, sharing of ideas. Once adopted, the rule governs the
resources/knowledge produced and behavior. Reflects and shapes norms for
participants; reinforces boundary b/t community members and nonmembers. It’s a
good example of privacy/commons governance. 
Norms of behavior at IPSC can also be described in the same way.  [E.g., I blog about talks but not about
hallway conversations, I think he means.]
Studies of different research consortia for rare diseases,
which are all about knowledge production: in both, there are IP issues on the
fringes, but one really important issue that drives production is privacy w/r/t
patient data. How do you get patients to participate?  What will happen w/clinical trials? 
The basic characteristic distinguishing privacy from nonprivacy
is institutionalized sharing of resources among members of a community: both
jarring and useful.  We are accustomed to
think of privacy as nonsharing, but privacy is often social; always connotes
boundaries b/t sharing and nonsharing.  Doesn’t
work at n=1, maybe not w/physical resources; sidelines normative debate and
values; takes a long time and needs dedicated research community. Benefits:
learn more about variance, nuance, obstacles/dilemmas, institutions; explore
intersections w/knowledge commons, as w/big data; learn what people really care
about and why; improving insittutional design.
Q: seems like a lot of work is done at different level of
generality. Drug cos. are willing to claim protection for privacy as their
justification for not sharing information.
A: the studies do provide the necessary details. Boundary
crossing: sharing research w/community at large v. within the pharma co. You
can get at boundary management by studying a variety of pharma patient
communities: rare disease community is different than big pharma. In one case,
pharma reps were part of the disease research community. We unpack what privacy
means only if we study them systematically, asking the same set of questions to
a bunch of different communities.
Q: sharing among corporations involves very different
environments, cultures, etc. than sharing among friends—privacy as trust.  How do you translate an idea about privacy
that’s inherently about individuals to a larger corporate environment?
A: look at the ends they set for themselves and how their
practices interact w/ that.  Maybe
withholding data benefits the internal community; our proposal doesn’t judge
that or assume that it has social benefit.
Q: can anything be excluded from the definition of an
institutional arrangement you offer? E.g., family, freedom.
A: not sure!
Silbey: Privacy is generally considered an individual right
against the gov’t in constitutional law; we don’t study institutional
mechanisms enough in law to figure out how individual rights are translated
into a system.
A: he thinks of privacy as a means; ends are for society to
determine.
Trickle Down Privacy
Ari Waldman
How we operationalize privacy in institutions.  Individual expectations of trust form
contexts of privacy.  Bamberger/Mulligan’s
work in 2010, 2015 about operationalizing privacy on the ground.  We can write all the laws we want, but what
happens in corporations as they write policies or create products that suck in
data or manipulate us into sharing information? 
B/M showed: corporations began to take privacy more seriously, even
though the law didn’t change much in 20 years; still swiss cheese like. What
changed: development of robust privacy professional sphere, who understood that
privacy was about trust.  Role of FTC in
developing common law of privacy and data breach notification statutes also
mattered, as well as tech changes where new products primarily implicated
privacy. If that’s true that over 20 years companies have developed a more
robust conception of privacy, why do we still have all these problems? Why are
privacy notices still so terrible, unread, unhelpful?  Why are some companies more nimble w/privacy
issues than others? Why do platforms get built specifically to manipulate people
into sharing data they might otherwise not share?  Do practices start at the top? What about in-house
lawyers, and people creating the tech/designing the products? Do they share the
robust conception of privacy at the CPO level? And what’s the role of the user?  This matters to help companies that do care
to structure their operations to take care of privacy, and for purposes of
legal reform. FTC settlements just say “create comprehensive privacy program,”
which generally means hiring a CPO, but if that doesn’t matter we should know.
Research design: interviews w/lawyers, programmers,
engineers, members of privacy teams, project managers/tech leads.  Observation of product design process for an
app that involves lots of user data. 
Qualitative w/quantititave aspects.
Hypothesis: robust privacy won’t trickle down from CPO w/o
active tech person lower down who shares that vision.  Tech people aren’t trained like lawyers or
ethicists, but in efficiency/gathering data. May think about privacy in terms
of notice, or user’s response.
Privacy leads even at middle management tend to think about
privacy as more than notice, but also user trust, even if they don’t have a
complete concept of what privacy is. Robust practices and guidelines exist in
all but the newest startups. Lawyers think of privacy as notice pure and
simple. They write privacy policies as legal documents; don’t care about impact
on users’ decisions to share.  Their goal
is to cover everything—cautious. 
Technologists use the same words as robust privacy pros, but they
fundamentally think about privacy as notice. Privacy becomes creating a product
that’s fun and takes in data.  Privacy
norms trickle down: only time he’s seen it trickle down is when the
technologist designing it isn’t just given a mandate “take privacy seriously”
but also shares the robust vision of privacy/trust.  May have something to do with
education/training.  An engineer
manager/product designer who feels the same way may also be able to produce the
privacy trickle down.
Cyberlaw & Intermediary Liability
DMCA+ Enforcement in the New gTLDs
Annemarie Bridy
Rise of DMCA plus enforcement.  Two categories: Type 1 DMCA intermediaries
are covered by DMCA but have privately agreed to do more.  Graduated response; link demotion for search
engines; proactive content blocking (Content ID etc.). Type 2 are beyond the
reach of secondary liability but have privately agreed to do more—payment network,
ad network—notice and termination or blocking regimes.  Domain name registrars—pressure on ICANN and
related entities to engage more actively.
Characteristics of DMCA plus: nominally voluntary but
implemented under gov’t pressure: members of Congress, IPEC, USTR.  Privately negotiated w/o input from public or
public interest groups.  Terms generally
disclosed only partially, w/resistance. 
Enforcement lacks transparency re: nature/volume of sanctions. Lack of
procedural safeguards for accused infringers. Notable exception: Copyright
Alert system, which was more transparent in substance and operation than other
agreements.
Enforceable against users via provisions in intermediaries’
TOS that prohibit illegal activity/abuse and reserve right to terminate service
at their sole discretion.
For TM, the ACPA and UDRP have existed since before
2000.  Domain Name System is a logical
target b/c domain names often incorporate word marks.  Rarely requires assessment of underlying
content of website, which means a critical difference from © enforcement.
Enforcing © through DNS is more recent; © owners like it b/c
it enables cross border enforcement. First major development: PRO-IP Act of
2008, which became the basis of hundreds of domain names, from © to counterfeit
pharmaceuticals. SOPA almost provided for court-ordered site-blocking. Courts
have been asked to grant, and have been granting, site-blocking injunctions
against US based nonparty registrars and registry operators.  Private ordering: MPAA and Donuts, which
contains hundreds of new GTLDs.
Rightsholders saw in new GTLD process the opportunity to
inject © related obligations between ICANN and registries/registrars.  In 2014, USTR included a new issue focus on
domain name registrars in its annual Special 301 review of notorious
counterfeit markets. Called for © owners to get new procedures/policies.  Music/movie industries most active in
lobbying for new © enforcement.  Demanded
increased commitments for © enforcement, especially those targeting music or
digital content.  2013 version of
Registrar Accreditation Agreement contained new obligations for accepting
notices of infringement.
ICANN Registry agreement now requires registries to include
in contracts w/registrars a provision requiring registrars to include in
contracts w/registrants an obligation to refrain from © infringement and a
promise of suspension.  Registrar Accreditation
Agreement requires registrars to have abuse contacts to receive reports, w/duty
to investigate and respond appropriately to claims.  Thus Registrar is contractually bound both to
registry and ICANN. Complainants can seek redress through ICANN’s contractual
compliance process by completing a simple online form.
Donuts is registry operator for .movie, .wine, .computer,
.education., .clothing and others. MPAA has announced another partnership and
created a template for agreements w/registry operators.  Donuts thus requires adherence to ICANN and
acceptable use policies.  Permits
registry to delete, suspend, revoke, transfer or cancel the offending domain
name.  Donuts agrees to treat MPAA notices
expeditiously and w/presumption of credibility, like Google’s trusted removal
program for search.  Standard for
complaint: has to be clear and pervasive © infringement before approaching
registry; first must go to registrar of record and hosting provider; complaint
must state DMCA-like good faith belief; must be the result of human
review.  Intended to limit volume of
notices under the program.
Normative concerns: presumption of guilt; target/sanctions
affect entire domain, not URLs; no requirement of attempt to contact the
registrant despite the requirement to look up WHOIS information. Lack of
clarity about what’s clear and pervasive infringement; what’s careful human
review. Lack of procedures for registrants to contest complaints/appeal
sanctions; lack of transparency.
Goldman: great to do all this digging; glad it was you and
not me.  [I’ve joined ICANN’s TM review
group and I share this sentiment.]  Is
this an unstoppable train? Is there a way to combat that, similar to §512(f)
for wrongful takedowns? Is there any cause of action possible?  W/o §512(f), fox is in henhouse; what can the
chickens do?  We need a better §512(f).
A: that’s a hole in the law, and not clear what public law
can do b/c users have consented to terms of use. More productive way to go
about this: try to get these agreements to look more like the Copyright Alert
system. That had a right to a third party appeal to a neutral third party, and
these don’t.  Can’t get details of Donuts
agreement or Radix agreement though did get template for trusted notifier
agreement.
Justin Hughes discussion: Someone registers
Harrypotter.education, and MPAA detects a bunch of streaming going on. They’re
under no obligation to contact the registrant? 
Yes. They’re under an obligation to contact the registrar, then
Donuts.  Then the registry is under an
obligation to assess clear & pervasive © infringement identified through
human review—it’s a bit of a black box. 
If Donuts finds so, they are obligated to cut off the registrant no
matter what the registry has found. 
A: Donuts has said that there have been 6 complaints filed
under trusted notifier system; 3 domain names blocked.  This was their evidence that it’s working,
but no info is available, for example about what a user sees when a site has
been blocked or locked.
RT: ICANN could require disclosure/transparency in its
agreements. There is something we as a community can do: join ICANN’s working
groups on these issues. I’ve done it for TM and it is not fun, but it is
necessary work and right now they are not hearing from the policy/academic
community, only from people with stark economic interests.  Show up!  Voice matters at ICANN.
IP, the Constitution and the Courts
A Free Speech Right to Trademark Protection?
Lisa Ramsey
International issues: US and other countries are members of
Paris Convention, w/obligations to allow certain registrations.  Says that nations may deny
registration/invalidate registrations for marks contrary to morality or public
order. WTO members agreed in TRIPS to keep that the same.  International conventions on human rights—allow
restrictions to freedom of expression if necessary to protect public order and
morals; rights and reputations of others; to prevent incitement to violence.
Consider, not just in the US but as a template for
evaluating free expression issues: 1. Gov’t action. Who is regulating the
expression?  If FB deletes your post,
there’s no state action.  If it’s a
misleading ad taken down by the FTC, that’s gov’t action though ok.  In Tam, the gov’t action is a law barring
registration of disparaging TMs (gov’t inaction).
2. Suppression, punishment, or other harm to expression. Consider
how the regulation actually harms expression. Unconstitutional conditions
doctrine: big debate.  Ramsey’s position
is that unconstitutional conditions shouldn’t apply where the benefit being
denied is the right to suppress the free speech of others.
3. What’s being regulated? TMs are expression, even though
you sometimes see people deny it.
4. Whose expression is being regulated?  Tam is not about gov’t speech—TM registration
is individual speech.  Could also
consider whether corporations have free speech rights, though they do in the US.
5. Are there categorical exclusions for this type of
expression?  Misleading commercial
speech, incitement to violence. But scandalous/disparaging marks aren’t
categorically excluded.
6. Whether the regulation of expression fails constitutional
scrutiny—level of constitutional scrutiny depends on local doctrine.  Is it content- or viewpoint-based?  Does it cover commercial or noncommercial
speech? Requires evaluation of law’s purpose, fit between law and purpose,
amount of harm to expression.
Upholding options: SCt might use unconstitutional conditions
doctrine to say that §2(a) is constitutional. 
Could say it satisfies constitutional scrutiny, though unlikely to say
it satisfies strict scrutiny.  Or it
could go the (c) route, treating (c) differently than other kinds of speech as
long as Congress doesn’t alter the “traditional contours.”  Offensive TM laws seem pretty traditional;
but might be a problem for dilution.
Linford: Ginsburg isn’t going to want to go near “traditional
contours”—Golan signals that
traditional contours means only 2 things. 
What about Harper & Row claiming that there’s no conflict, and we’ll
say hands off. 
Q: What is the state action requirement?  Enforcement of TM including injunctive
relief.
RT: my question was similar—Linford says “hands off” but
what does that mean?   “In Tam, the gov’t
action is a law barring registration of disparaging TMs” but that’s gov’t
inaction.
A: When the examiner denies your application that’s gov’t
action.
RT: but in that case if I go to court and say “FB suspended
my account for using a non-real name and you should bar that part of the TOU
b/c it violates my free speech rights” then you also get state action in
enforcing FB’s contractual terms.
A: true.  Reminder
that TM registration allows lots of suppression of speech—can interfere
w/T-shirts, merchandising, claim dilution, etc.
Charles Duan: disparaging marks have particularly strong
expression values—people use them to express feelings.  Preventing others from using those terms may
thus be worse than ordinary suppression through TM.
A: yes, one of the dissents does a really good job—makes a
difference from ordinary unconstitutional conditions cases, where benefit
sought was not the right to suppress others’ speech. Still, troublesome to have
individual examiners deciding what’s disparaging.  Internationally, nations can decide
(Afghanistan bars marks that are harmful to chastity).
Pam Samuelson: Different nations have different ideas of
scandalousness, public order, disparagement. Are you thinking we need
harmonization?

A: the opposite. We need to allow nations to make their own
decisions.  I worry that after Tam,
people will go to other countries and demand registration of these marks. Some people will only register marks that they can register in multiple countries, so there’s a chilling effect no matter what.

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IPSC breakout session 2

IPSC Breakout Session II: Trademarks, Advertising &
Consumers
Relying on Reputation
Jim Gibson
Reputation: what rational consumers would use to decide what
products/services to buy. We shouldn’t expect that info to be widely available
to consumers w/o some help, and yet the law assumes that the market for
reputation works enough to rely on it.
Public goods problem: each of us has our own reputational
experiences w/firms. We can generally rely on it but it’s anecdotal: we want
aggregate information.  My review
externalizes my benefit but without reward, so we’d expect underproduction.
Reputational aggregators can help. But their interests may not be aligned with
consumers’; no movie has ever had less than 3 stars on Fandango, and Yelp sells
its services to businesses rather than to consumers. 
IP rights: find a party interested in creating/disseminating
the good & give them exclusive control. The firm: They don’t have the
externalities problem b/c they internalize benefits of buying.  But the firm’s interest is in creating
positive/bottom-line maximizing info, not accurate representations of quality,
price etc.  Consumers are manipulated
into believing untrue things simply through repetition. If a firm tells
consumers that its coffee isn’t bitter, that affects consumer perception even
though consumers know the info comes from self-interested firm.
Courts think that info about firms will solve problems with
boilerplate contracts.  Reputational
constraints as keeping firms from enforcing onerous terms. If reputation doesn’t
work that well, reliance is misplaced.
TM law: core infringement dovetails well w/reputation
approach, but expansions don’t—dilution by tarnishment; lack of control over
assignments/licensing; ways in which mark itself is viewed as having a
reputational value qua reputation as opposed to something that provides
accurate information.
Defamation: Really about the truth, not about reputation. I
can destroy reputation by revealing the truth. 
Bill Cosby: invested a lot in reputation as America’s dad, which has
since been destroyed. Defamation has it right.
RT: Many people enjoy providing reviews/perceive it as a
positive.  Why isn’t that enough? Do
those people who enjoy providing reviews differ in some systematic way from
those who don’t?
A: Spite is a powerful motivator; what about good
experiences?  There’s probably a
relatively low level of crowdsourcing that’s necessary; eBay is probably a
really good reputational system b/c it’s costless to share.  People are more attentive to recent ratings
than aggregate ratings.  It may not be
enough.
Lisa Ramsey: there are fake comments; sometimes there are
verified reviews.  I also look for number
of comments/negative comments.  It’s so
easy to comment now.  [I think this is a
matter of leveraging reciprocity norms; Ramsey mentions guilt.]  I feel good when I reply to surveys about
performance—I’m performing a public service.
A: True, but that feedback often just goes to the firm—helpful,
but not fully solving the problem.
Michael Madison:  Doesn’t buy the tragedy of the commons
framing. There are all sorts of info problems, including overproduction,
reciprocity problems (seller worried about giving poor rating out of fear of
getting poor rating), asymmetry, information that is out of date (right to be
forgotten), etc. Account for what’s going on in the world by adding more of the
complexities.  Push back on reputational
information as a “good.”  [Arrow’s
information paradox
.] As if there were a simple definition of what that means;
as if there is a natural social interest in “accurate” reputation as opposed to
collection of opinions.  Precisely
because we have all these mechanisms to share opinion, how much of that is the
right amount is a contestable thing. As you frame this question, which is an
important one, you need more dimensions to the model to capture some of the
looseness and fluidity of what’s going on rather than treating reputation as a
species of good that was produced by manufacturing.
Going Native: Can Consumers Recognize Native Advertising? Do
They Care?
David Hyman & David Franklyn
A couple of small empirical studies and armchair empiricism;
lots of regulatory interest.  Lots of
argument by invective (John
Oliver
) and blanket denials and media angst. Regular ads as control; native
ads as treatment.  If consumers don’t do
a good job ID’ing them, can we change the disclosures to improve that?  What do labels even mean to consumers? 
Online survey of 1000 respondents, who saw 18 images/2
videos. We tested things like Forbes content by Fidelity aka “ForbesBrandVoice”
which doesn’t have “paid,” “ad,” or “sponsored.” The Onion also has paid
content: Woman Going to Take Quick Break After Filling Out Name, Address on Tax
Forms: small “sponsored,” actually for H&R Block.  NYT’s Netflix article w/very tiny “paid ad,”
and Atlantic’s native ad for Scientology that looks exactly like Atlantic
article except for “sponsored content.”
Respondents do much worse identifying native ads than
regular ads.  Native: 37% thought it was
paid content.  Regular: 81% ads.  49% thought native ads were unpaid v. 12% for
non-native; remainder unsure.
What if we tweak the label? 
In-your-face “paid ad” bar across the Fidelity ad: those who saw “paid
ad” went to 56% understanding from 40%, suggesting that modifications to
labeling can make a difference, though still well short of understanding for
regular ads.
Finally, asked whether respondents thought each label was
paid, unpaid, don’t know.  Paid ad/paid
content/this content was paid for by/paid post/ad all did better than 80%;
sponsored did 79%, sponsored content and sponsored post 76%; brand voice/brand
publisher/presented by in the 60s and partnered content/partner was at 57%. Written
by: 23%.  So many labels are bad and the
diversity is not helping anything.
Limitations: representativeness of our ads?  Of our sample population? Used reputable
organization but replication should be tried. 
Validity of our approach: we threw out people who went through too
quickly or didn’t answer our attention question, but this isn’t in the wild,
and we’re open to alternative methodologies if they exist.
Consumers do much worse at identifying native ads than “regular”
ads, regardless of brand, platform, architecture, and labeling.  If they’re trying to hide the fact that they’re
running ads, mission accomplished. 
Evidence of two-way blurring; even modest tweaks materially improve
recognition; does any of this rise to the level of deception?
RT: two-way blurring?
A: if you give people unpaid editorial content, a material
number think it’s actually paid, 35%.  A
little variation across examples.  From
consumer protection perspective, that’s not something the FTC would much care
about.
Barton Beebe: will consumers develop sophistication about
this?  People have learned about movie
sponsorship.  [armchair empiricism?]
A: Possible, but the variability is much higher.  Movie = single thing that people see
together, but native ads have huge variation and narrowcasting.  Harder to police given speed of emergence.
Lisa Ramsey: 4% of people thought it was unpaid when it said
paid—are there certain kinds of people who are making that mistake?
A: people who participate are over 18, relatively good
cross-section of community. 
Disconcerting that people don’t always recognize “paid ad” as ad, but
that’s how people are—they don’t look at labels.
McKenna: consistent w/TM surveys!
Laura Heymann: what would deception mean here?
A: FTC says: you don’t have to prove actual deception; the
more you blur the lines, the easier FTC enforcement action would be. We did ask
whose content you think this is, advertiser or platform or both—w/native ads,
pretty substantial #s thought it represented both the advertiser’s viewpoint
and the platform’s, though that’s not the same as deception.
Q: wide variety of examples—they may involve different
relations between the platform and the sponsor. Sometimes the content was
written by the platform but paid for by someone else v. written by advertiser
and posted on the platform. Does that make a difference?
A: A lot of the media companies have set up in-house
operations for native ad campaigns to be sold to advertisers.  We don’t see a difference based on that issue
in people’s perceptions.  The development
of in-house units probably increases the likelihood of deception b/c they can
frame the content to be exactly like the publication they’re working for.
Naming and (Re)Claiming
Laura Heymann
What makes something a name and how much do audiences assume
that a name has connotative and denotative functions?  The meaning of a name comes from the public.
You can announce your name as whatever you like, but it’s not unless a
sufficient number of people adopt it for you, even if you use it. Same for a TM—recognition
of a mark as a mark/name is what gives it existence. Richard Craswell’s great
article on sports nicknames—crowdsourced. Research on prison nicknames:
bestowed upon people, not given to themselves. 
Inherent in this process is recognition that a lexical unit is
functioning as a referent and not as a description. 
Referring: repetition and reinforcement.  If meaning of a term becomes fixed, is it apt
to say that a name has truth value?  We
don’t expect a man named “Rich” to be wealthy; we recognize that as his
name.  A “rigid designator”: our beliefs
about qualities of subject aren’t relevant to the referential process. It doesn’t
matter if someone loses a limb; they’re still the same person with the same
name; so too if it turns out they plagiarized a paper. TM embodies that in some
way—TM doesn’t require TM owner to surrender TM if it changes ingredients,
suppliers, employees who make the product.
If names are rigid designators, we might return to In re Tam
and ask whether a name can offend or disparage, qua name.  A word can do so when used to describe
others, and research on slurs would say that a slur is offensive b/c it is
uttered by a person toward another person, not necessarily the word itself.
This is Tam’s entire point: the ability to reclaim a word means that whether
that word has communicative/truth value depends on the identity of the
speaker.  One reason offered by court to
refuse to approve a name change was b/c of speech burden imposed on others who’d
have to use the name in exchanges w/others. 
This is a strategy employed by Starbucks customers in reverse: give name
as “black lives matter” so barista will have to say that out loud.
Slurs convey expressive content: conveying attitude of
speaker.  The idea of reclaiming is to
deprive the word of meaning and transform it into a rigid designator, same as
when McDonald’s reclaims MickeyD’s.  Are
names truth?  Pursuing America’s Greatness
v. FEC: can independent political committees use candidates’ names in the names
of their committees or projects?  DC
Circuit finds that’s content based discrimination, and it’s not enough to be
able to use the candidate’s name in the content of the project/webpage.  That’s what she’s interested in—what do we
mean when we say that something functions as a name? Are they sometimes true,
never true, etc.?  Bands named “Cheap
Girls” w/no women performing in them: is that deceptive? Is it a signal?  Would the Slants be disparaging or not
depending on the ethnicity of its members?
Relevant doctrines: When we allow TM to reemerge from
genericity: Singer, Best Buy (once it argued in court that the phrase was
generic!); public use doctrine allowing TM owner control over a term that the
public uses to identify the TM owner but the TM owner doesn’t; abandonment; §2(a)
bar on deceptive marks.  ORGANIK for
clothing not made from organic fibers: if people use that to tell what the
clothing is made of, then they’re seeing it as informational device and not as
a rigid identifier and therefore it isn’t functioning as a TM should.
Madison: how much do you need to invest in framework of
rigid identifiers, partly b/c there’s an enormous literature around that.  Tam case may be too rich; what about the
dispute over the ownership of “Stephen Colbert,” the “character” from CC’s “The
Colbert Report.”   Captures the themes you’re talking about w/o
triggering disparagement concerns.
A: two different things embodied in the same person! 
Q: Whose perspective are we taking? What happens if they
intend it as a name, and it’s understood as a name by some people and not by
others.
Ramsey: slogans can be identifiers, but they don’t have to
be.  How do you think about them?  “Make America Great Again” is not the same as
“Trump.”  Also, Lee et al.’s paper on how
context is key—you don’t know if a name is a mark until you see how it’s
presented.
A: there has to be an initial moment associating the name
with the thing; they don’t exist in the abstract.
[Still marshalling thoughts about this. I think the answer
is often that a TM can be a rigid identifier and convey lots of information, including w/Best Buy and ORGANIK—in
fact, the aim of creating a rigid identifier may often be to convince consumers
that certain characteristics are embedded in the product being sold no matter
what the facts are, the ingredients are, etc. 
That’s why TM owners like descriptive marks; that’s why VIAGRA invokes
vigor, Niagara, etc. Thus, making a binary may not be hugely helpful.]
Why Does Trademark Law Protect the Strong More Than the
Weak?
Barton Beebe & Scott Hemphill
Strength, scope, and competition in TM law: Not a purely
original argument—we’ve all been thinking this forever, but people haven’t
systematically presented this basic argument except in a Judge Rich opinion in
1988, suppressed by J. Rader very quickly thereafter.

Standard view: there’s a positive relation b/t strength and scope. This is
wrong, at least in part.  Rationale for standard
model: strong marks are more easily activated in consumer’s mind; consumers
will infer that junior use originates in senior user; infringers can be assumed
to target stronger marks; consumers approach more famous marks with less
consumer care—just asserted by Fed. Cir.
Assuming identical marks, a product dimension (x), and a
percentage of consumers confused (y), a curve describes consumers likely to be
confused by use on competing goods, related goods, or even unrelated goods.  Consumer population is diverse.  Maximum acceptable percentage of consumer
gives us the scope of the right at issue. 
Increased strength of a mark may push up the curve and broaden the scope
of the mark, but the standard model assumes the shape of the curve remains the
same as it’s pushed up.
Now assume identical products, a mark dimension (z), and
percentage of consumers confused (y), same thing.  A 3D distribution will describe the proportion
of consumers likely to be  confused by
junior use of mark identical, similar, or dissimilar to senior mark on
identical, similar, or dissimilar goods.
Standard model assumes that increased strength increases
likely confusion and increases scope of mark. Other assumptions: The relation
between strength and confusion/scope is always positive—except in the limited
cases of reverse confusion and, controversially, parody.  Strength operates the same way in identical
mark, different goods cases as it does in different mark, same good cases.  Case law under either situation is
interchangeable. Inherent/acquired strength operate in the same way, and cases
about inherently distinctive marks can be cited in cases about secondary
meaning.
Judge Rich: BVD v. Body Action Design (Fed. Cir. 1988): BVD
v. B.A.D. for men’s undergarments. The fame of a mark cuts both ways. Better
known it is, the more readily the public becomes aware of even a small
difference. BVD would trigger the observer to notice at once that BAD, with or
without periods, is a different symbol. 
See also Jiffy v. Jordan (CCPA 1973) (Rich, J., dissenting). A few other
cases have made similar observations.  A
few articles also question the correctness of the claim, but Jerre Swann
defends it.
Kenner Parker Toys v. Rose Art (Fed. Cir. 1992) (Rader, J.)
Play-Doh v. FUNDOUGH for toy modeling compounds.  TTAB applied BVD and dismissed
opposition.  Rader says: free riding
justifies the positive relation—competitors want to snuggle as close as
possible to a famous mark. Fame could never be a liability in TM—while scholars
might debate as a factual proposition whether fame heightens or dulls the
public’s awareness of variances in marks, the legal proposition is beyond
debate.  If investors forfeit legal
protection by increasing fame, the law would then countenance a disincentive
for investments in TM.
But we can solve this problem: begin w/assumption that TM’s
guiding purpose is to promote competition; consumer protection is underneath.
Free rider justification isn’t persuasive w/r/t continuously positive relation
b/t strength and scope/confusion. Identical marks, there is a positive
relationship b/t strength and scope/confusion. But for similar marks, competing
products, there is a local maximum.  The
3D distribution may rise, but also changes shape. Proportion of consumers
confused may increase, but scope of protection narrows.  Follows a fortiori that superstrong marks
would also be less protected for similar marks, similar products and similar
marks, dissimilar products.
Heymann: does sponsorship/affiliation confusion complicate
this?  E.g., Boy Scouts and Peewee
Scouts.
Beebe: Best I can do for now is to fall back on the idea of
TM as both prescriptive and descriptive; can prescribe a condition in which
consumers learn.  It may be that the
association challenge is devastating for some things, but similar marks/similar
products and similar marks/dissimilar products might be different b/c of
consumer understandings about famous brands. If you saw something like the Apple
logo on a very low-end tech product, you might reject the idea that it came
from Apple.
McKenna: This isn’t really an empirical rule, but modern
doctrine’s obsession w/confusion requires it to pretend that it is.  Your argument at the end seemed nonempirical.
You need to clarify: is this empirical? If so: Look at brand extension
literature.  Also: when you talk about
similarity, note that people have hard
time w/specificity of visual marks
but may do better on word marks.  [Though there is also a huge difference b/t
production and recognition worth thinking about, since it’s recognition that TM
law is generally concerned w/.]  Then if
it’s empirical, think hard about different forms of confusion.
Branded
Irina Manta
TM provides important incentivizing functions that make it
more like © or patent than conventionally assumed, and we should care about
that. Traditional story: TM are instrument of commerce, protected under
Commerce Clause, not incentive for creation/innovation.  TM as red-headed stepchild of IP family.  Three traditional functions: source
identification, advertising, and quality guarantee.  Neglected incentivizing functions: creation
of original marks; hedonic benefits of loving TMs; socially desirable behavior
[work hard so you can afford your Louboutins, or at least your Nikes].  [This is like claiming that securities law
exists to encourage people to work hard and make more money.  It has a level of generality problem, among
others. Also query whether all incentives to work hard and make more money, if
those are the same thing, are socially desirable; see, e.g., drug money, Wall
Street finance, Donald Trump.]
Expansion of TM law over time beyond source confusion to
affiliation confusion, dilution, initial interest confusion, post-sale
confusion.
TM as creations: often the most valuable asset of a
business, e.g., Starbucks.  [Deven Desai
would say this is conflating a TM with a brand.]  Companies invest $ in infusing brands w/a
personality: SoulCycle isn’t just a name, it’s a lifestyle, also Harley
Davidson.  [Though note that these
lifestyles are usually shared w/ other brands as well—they’re not creative/unique
even if it takes intelligence, luck, and even creativity to come to “symbolize”
that lifestyle.  Or you could just be
like PBR and be adopted by hipsters for a time.] Takes on life of its own.  TMs can be included in art exhibits.
TMs as hedonic goods: experience of goods = happiness, just
as via © or patent. TMs are inherent parts of products; there is no defensible
distinction b/t “real” and “artificial” experiences of marks.  [Though the research on body image etc.
suggests that people who spend a lot of time thinking about their presentation
to the world end up unhappier and also poorer off in other ways, so I’m not
sure that conclusion holds here even if it might re: your perception of a car’s
value.]
TMs as socially desirable behavior incentives: People use
branded goods as self-rewards; I can have Starbucks b/c I did such a good job
today. Possible correlation in US b/t working longer hours and desire for brand
consumption. Use of branded goods to overcome bias and achieve community status—anti-aristocratic
b/c you can become more equal by wearing certain things or appearing a certain
way.  Wearing a nice suit to
interviews.  [A branded suit? Tressie McMillan
Cottom has a great
essay about this
, but TMs don’t seem to be required.]
These incentivizing functions have increased in importance
over time. This brings TM closer to copyright and patent, and needs to be
considered in making policy.
Gibson: what implications are there for TM scope?  If we had a law that focused on source
confusion and not dilution etc., would people not find alternative hedonic
pleasures/ways to reward themselves for working hard?
A: given the state of the empirical data, it would be
speculative to say. Doesn’t know whether we need dilution to get those things.
This is the law we have.  Not necessarily
enforced strongly, but might still provide a deterrent. There are also 1A
implications w/dilution. But we can’t divorce TM law from other social policy
as others have done, where we pretend that only confusion is at issue.
Madison: Timing of the shift in case law in relation to
this?
Manta: thinking about how we could measure brand development—going
from TM as boring, traditional function to powerful.   Measuring strength of marketing, penetration
of advertising.
McKenna: circularity: you say we have to account for how
people interact socially w/brands, but that’s the result at least in part of
how the law has treated brands.  Even if
we wanted to preserve hedonic value, consumers would likely find it somewhere
else, and if we don’t know that, the policy payoff is unclear.  Also, there are other people who get hedonic
value from access to brands, or access to similar brands; if we do a whole
hedonic calculus we have to consider them too. If we want to consider
incentives to work hard, TM would not be the place to start—tax, education
policy would be more appropriate.
Manta: yes, utilitarianism is hard, but we have to start
somewhere. This matters too.  Hedonic
value of access to brands, knockoffs—but there are also people who don’t care
much about brands.  [?]  In this room, we probably chose our jobs b/c
we cared less about money than making partner, but others chose
differently.  Some criticisms of dilution
have disregarded these incentives, and have assumed that brands are just about
false needs.
Ramsey: even if the empirical research shows that people are
doing what you say, should we care? The costs of dilution protection are also
higher—protecting these values has different tradeoffs than protecting against
confusion over source.

Manta: there haven’t been economic discussions about
dilution’s harm/benefits.  It’s all
highly theoretical, speculative.  I don’t
know which way it cuts, but that doesn’t mean it’s not a real effect. Skeptical
that dilution has had more than a marginal impact on speech.

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IPSC Breakout Session I

IPSC Breakout Session I: Copyright: Music & Remixes
Assessing France’s Graduated Response Scheme Against Piracy &
State Interventionism in the Marketplace for Copyrighted Content
Nicholas Jondet
Strong philosophical attachment to ©, and economic interests—Universal
Music is French-owned.  In practice, low
fines and no convictions despite misdemeanor status of infringement and
possible 3-year sentence and €30,000
possible penalties.  2006: wide consensus
for adapting criminal provisions. Proposal of €150 fines for uploading and €38
for downloading. Struck down by constitutional court: infringement is the same
whether it’s offline or online.  2007:
review of system, which recommended a graduated response adminstered by a
dedicated body b/c private parties on their own couldn’t deal with mass piracy.
Constitutional council said that proposals didn’t fit the
French human rights framework, notably the 1789 Declaration on Human Rights, requiring
balance of copyright and freedom of expression; disconnection must be done by
courts.  Two phases.  Authority sends warning; access to internet
isn’t absolute but penalty must be imposed by court.  Internet user has duty to secure network
against use for infringement.  Hadopi:
2010.
2012: Hollande was elected; his party wanted to get rid of
Hadopi.  But he personally was more
circumspect.  Tension in independent
administration from the start: the carrot and the stick.  Budget was large, but decreased and went up
last year to €8.5
million.
If you’re a rightsholder, you collect info and notify
Hadopi. 5 million first warnings sent; 500,000 second warnings and 3,000 third
warnings.  Last year there were 1.6
million first warnings sent.  2221
deliberations about referring a case to the courts. 361 cases brought to
courts. Courts assess the infringer; 51 decisions reported back to Hadopi.
Fines between €50-1,000.
Copyright societies think the courts are too lenient. One disconnection
reported so far.
A lot of studies about whether it works.  Hadopi argues that it doesn’t have enough
funding to fulfill its mission.  There’s
a database of legal French services done by Hadopi—making it easier for people
to find content.
Justin Hughes: detection is the responsibility of a
rightsholder.  Data collection has to be
approved by the relevant authority, as opposed to what happens elsewhere.
Annemarie Bridy: we use the Copyright Alert system in the
US, though it’s not producing any reports or information.  They’re renegotiating the MOU.  Talk about relative benefits of gov’t system?
A: public scrutiny. 
The fact that you have an authority in charge of checking that privacy
is respected helps w/due process and ability to appeal.  Real issue w/French system is costliness for
taxpayer.  The rightsholders should/could
put money into the system.
Copyrightability of Digital Remixes and the Right of
Remixers
Yahong Li
Remix as a general condition of culture; digital remix
brings back Read-Write culture, as argued by Lessig. Musical remixes as
prominent examples: Grey Album, Mix the City, Girl Talk.  Legal reality: protection has been
strengthened for copyright owners, ISPs, mainstream social media, but remixers
and creators fall into a legal vacuum, potentially oppressed both by ISPs and
by copyright owners.  Peter Menell:
mashup as defining genre, but uncertain contours of copyright pushed this
underground and stunted its development, depriving artists of compensation and
further alienating netizens from © as a system. Recent cases not just in US;
many remixes in Soundcloud were taken down. 
Righthaven trolling; FUD in uncertainty of remix.  Andy Baio: “the chilling effect is palpably
real.” 
Legislative developments: Canada, UGC exception for
noncommercial remix.  UK: new fair
dealing exceptions didn’t include UGC; other countries have rejected/not
mentioned. US Green Paper says still needs exploring. Questions: is fair use
enough? Predictable v. unpredictable. Is it a defense or a positive right?  Does the P have to rebut the defense or does
the D have to prove the four factors?
Q: what rights does a downstream remixer have?
A: Right included in copyright.
Q: does the legal culture affect whether uncertainty is good
or bad for production?  Or is it more
about whether the producers are noncommercial producers?  Compare to dojinshi in Japan.  There, it’s a huge commercial business, in
essentially open conflict with formal Japanese law, but there are very few
legal conflicts. Why, and can it be exported?
Q: what about eliminating the possibility of injunctive
relief?
The New Problem with Music
Peter DiCola
Spotify: huge net losses. The more they make, the more they
lose. Partly owned by © owners. What’s going on?  “Why Tech is Eating the Music Industry,” from
Digital Music News.  Apple, Alphabet,
Microsoft, Amazon, have bigger market cap than ExxonMobil; FB is just behind.
Compared to 2006, when it was just Microsoft at the top.  Amazon is about to jump into streaming; like
Google & Apple, has deep pockets and doesn’t actually need the music side
to be profitable. Music as an add-in to Amazon Prime increases customer
loyalty; if they move the needle on retention of a few percentage points, that’s
worth billions to Amazon.  The other
piece is that music services have special data about us.  Wal-Mart was the biggest music seller before
the internet; cheap prices on music got people into the stores.  Music now is not about its own value, but
about keeping people on platforms and collecting data about them. Think about
how customer data has changed in the new music industry.  Think about changes in the broader
context.  Music industry used to require
a lot of trains and trucks shipping; big box retailers made music stores smaller
part of business and music stores concentrated into chains; labels had little
customer data other than record clubs. 
In 2000s and 2010s, consolidated into major labels while unauthorized copying
exploded. Retail inventory becomes enormous, stable, and generally always
growing. Interaction w/customer data—digital retailers have data; shipping is no
longer a problem. 
Steve Albini, The Problem w/Music,
1993, the Baffler: recording engineer on Nirvana’s last album; also band
members. Net income from a year on a major label contract: $4,031.25.  Today, he
thinks Spotify and streaming are great
. He says: We never made any money
from selling records; now I can reach fans worldwide and support touring and
other ways musicians make money.  What
could contracts look like in industrial organization terms? Hard to imagine ©
owners having leverage; not just largeness, but large user base: you have to be
on YT, even Taylor Swift agrees.  Hard to
imagine Amazon agreeing to give music companies a cut of lawnmower sales, even
if data from music helps shape the pitch Amazon gives for the lawnmower.  So downward pressure can be expected to
increase. Customer data: could they negotiate for access to who’s buying?  Could © require this?  Raises serious substantive privacy questions,
and questions about ©/privacy overlap.
Q: South Korea: Samsung launched “Milk,” w/every phone
sold.  Free music service, but
rightsholders and fans objected—if people become used to getting free music,
then no one will want to pay for it. 
Samsung withdrew the music service.
RT: How does this interact w/§512 and the industry’s
complaints that YT drives down prices?
A: Everything structural is going against the music
industry. Consumer surplus is huge; music fans are saving $100s per year
w/access.  So that’s why you have to go look
at the development of industry; makes §512’s configuration less
pressing/solving the last problem. 
Changing §512 is not going to solve these problems.
Q: is Tidal working?
A: No. $19.99 initial price point; market says no, that’s
not the price point for music.  Consumers
aren’t yet interested in higher quality. 
Hard to get consumers to care about artist-owned services, and part of
that is that artists make it hard for audiophiles to buy the highest quality
FLAC; it’s so much easier to use Spotify.
Annemarie Bridy: Tussle b/t Spotify and Apple re: antitrust
w/r/t in-app purchases.  So interesting
to watch evolution of exclusivity/fragmentation in availability of content,
attempts to differentiate v. antitrust.
A: may need to formally model incentives of people to be in
and out of exclusive deals.  What
contracts we should expect is a really interesting question; also affected by
DoJ ruling on ASCAP.  There are people in
the industry who think Spotify can’t survive on its own b/c it doesn’t make any
money.
Q: Is Albini saying that artists’ interests are more aligned
w/intermediaries than w/labels at this point b/c intermediaries aren’t acting
as bottlenecks?
A: Yes, but the one point is the data—if you want to tour,
you want to know where you’re popular.
Who Killed the Radio Star? How Music Blanket Licenses
Distort the Production of
Creative Content
Ariel Katz & Eden Sarid
Cultural production in radio’s Golden Age: mix of music and
talk, mostly talk. In-house production, mainly live.  Mid-50s/60s shift in content to much more
music, less talk.  Less quality in talk
that remained. Music is prerecorded; content is outsourced, not
live/commissioned by radio stations. 
Explanations: television; other tech changes; social and cultural
changes (video killed the radio star).
Alternative explanation: music is crucial to radio;
broadcasters get blanket licenses to perform music from CROs. Conventional
wisdom: CROs produce efficient reduction of transaction costs; but raise
concerns about lack of competition, market power.  Our point: blanket licenses also distort
cultural production, artificially diverting resources away from other cultural
products and to music. Where marginal price of playing another song is zero,
you play more songs and have less talk. 
Unless you’re a publicly funded radio station that need not behave
according to pure economic rationality.
But why only after the mid-1950s?  Sound recordings aren’t fit for broadcasting
yet; broadcasting is live and all content has to be performed in the studio.
The cost advantage of blanket license is less pronounced.
RT: these last two papers have a dialogue about the effects
of “all you can eat” both on intermediaries and end users.  Increased social value overall, decreased
value to individual input.  Both papers
also have a dialogue about placing music within the context of other economic
outputs, and the effects of that on what look like internal doctrinal and
market issues.  Glynn
Lunney’s work
is also of note here.  Question:
Commercial radio: what’s the role of diversity/niches such as Rush Limbaugh?  Role of product differentiation, as discussed
in plenary?  There is an incentive to
capture the non-music fans somehow.  Maybe
people are satisfying their talk needs with the internet and PBS Newshour.  Also: When you say distortion, you might be
asked: compared to what? What would the world look like without CROs? 
A: We could do without them, and so we should be mindful of
what they actually do.  Talk radio: may
need public funding to produce it.
Hughes: Not clear that there’s any evidence this increases
or decreases users’ utility.  Would pay
per play be a better system? We could certainly do that, and that might distort
less than a blanket license, but that’s only true if the people negotiating a
blanket license don’t know much about the radio station, which they do.  I negotiate a blanket license = I know a lot
about their users and how much music they play; it actually represents
something closer to pay for play than you seem to assume.  “All you can eat” can be predictable if you
know who you’re feeding and you’ve been doing it a while.  [nicely said]
A: compare to situation w/o CMOs.  That doesn’t mean pay for every play
necessarily; that could be inefficient. 
Sony might bundle all its music. 
Hughes: recorded music, not blanket licenses, might be the
cause.  Session performers were driven
out by recorded music—would have to be really high price before it would
justify live music.
A: true, it’s a combination.
How Law Defines Music
Joseph Fishman
Law has focused on melody. 
Blurred Lines case: lawyers and music professors agreed that it’s only
been melody.  Musicologists saw a sea
change b/c all that’s been protected before is melody.  ?uestlove says there was no plagiarism b/c
the melody different. But recent cases, not just Blurred Lines, have adopted a
more multidimensional view of what counts. 
Until about a decade ago, the commentators would have been right.  How did we get here? Older view was in
tension w/what other genres went through, where any aspect could in theory be
the basis of a © claim. If what we want is theoretical purity, then the
trajectory is good; healthy outcomes for music, however, would return to the
old focus on melody. The reasons for rejecting melody only were good ones but
we end up with a suboptimal, unpredictable, overly broad law as the result.
Commentators in the West used to think melody was the most
important, influential part of a musical work. Music publisher rearranged
serious opera into light dance music; court rejected defense of fair
abridgement b/c melody was that in which the whole meritorious part of the
invention consists.  Thus, it wasn’t an
abridgement, in reality.  But melody’s
dominance is not true of lots of music today, from jazz to pop music.  Producers are paid lots to contribute
elements long before melody enters.
Traditional justification is weak, so we shouldn’t be
surprised by Blurred Lines type cases in which courts don’t feel bound to
dismiss claims notwithstanding the absence of melodic copying.  Other recent cases: New Old Music Gp. v.
Gottwald (SDNY 2015)—purely about percussion. 
BMS Entm’t v. Bridges (SDNY 2005)—case about reuse of phrase “like that.”  Court says original selection and arrangement
is enough: jury question for total concept and feel.  Blurred Lines fits both these templates.  Each individual element isn’t de minimis isn’t
a matter of law. Not as much of an outlier as sometimes portrayed. If there’s a
trend, where do we go?
There is a better, doctrinally neglected reason to focus on
melody: would make infringement assessment more predictable. Music is
relatively modular. It’s often possible for composers to break off a discrete
chunk called melody and focus on that as the thing to avoid copying. You don’t
have to play the impossible game of divining a similarity index with elements
of unknowable weights, from melody to orchestration to percussion to timbre etc.  Good for downstream creativity.  This rule would be an improvement b/c it
cabins the inquiry. Only problem is that ex ante predictability as a policy
lever for substantial similarity has never gotten much traction, though it’s
been tried.
Shyam Balganesh: take a look at Mark Rose’s new book,
Authors in Court, w/behind the scenes study of case in which the attempt was
tried.  The plaintiff’s atty had written
a treatise on breaking down works.
Hughes: is this shift b/c of the rise of recorded music and
the fading of the score into the background? 
You said in the paper jazz musicians understood this melody rule about ©,
but I don’t think that’s true.
A: Mark Osteen studied bebop in 50s and 60s and said it;
have to go back and check his sources.  Popular
legal consciousness: not terribly nuanced, but understood that melody = lawsuit
but borrowing arrangement would not.
Andrew Gilden: wouldn’t this make it easier for famous
artists to take from nonfamous artists?
A: why asymmetry? 
Would make it just as easy for relatively unknown artists to copy
nonmelodic stuff. 

Pam Samuelson: writing was pretty much the melody prior to
1976, so that history might support your thesis.  Might not be bad idea to go back and bolster
the argument around the 1976 Act by looking at what the cases were focused on
at that time. One question: is music different now than it was at the time
these issues were being decided by Congress?  

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IPSC First Plenary Session

Scarcity of Attention in a World without IP
Jake Linford
We impose artificial scarcity so authors can pick up sunk
costs. But costs of creation have fallen; perhaps © should be narrowed as a
result.  Wrinkle: attention scarcity.
Cheaper dissemination = information gluts. 
Imposes costs on consumers.  The
scarce resource today is attention.  People
compete for attention by riffing on cultural artifacts.  Some of the competition is zero sum.  Internet time has shifted 2008-2013, from
chat and news sites to social media and video. 

Trademark is a way of dealing w/scarce attention, but © is different.  Music played in restaurants: it draws in
consumers.  Attracting attention w/©
expression so they can charge you.  [Is
attracting customers for food the same thing as attracting attention?]
If we had less copyright protection [compared to what?],
then what?  Perhaps: Less entry; less
glut.  Narrower protectionàlower
expression costs, lower costs of creating around, lower barriers to entry from
building off of existing ©.  Retain
protectionàmore
costs of inventing around.  Less
creative/distinct entry. Things that are more similar.  Abramowicz/Yoo have talked about this as rent
dissipation/product differentiation: more resources dissipated racing to
capture first mover advantage.
Fishman’s work: ©  may
impose useful restraint on entry.  [I have written a response to Fishman here.] Constraints on type of creativity: sonnet constrains output more than
free verse, which can make work more creative/better by several metrics.  George Lucas wanted to do a Flash Gordon
remake; he couldn’t get permission so he gave us Star Wars—wouldn’t have been
the same cultural phenomenon.  [Because
reboots of existing franchises, like Batman, never become cultural
phenomena!]  Reducing © protection is
therefore premature.
Mark Lemley: If you think we’re creating too much derivative
stuff, ok, but challenges premise that attention scarcity causes that.
Attention scarcity = difficulty sorting is the theory, but people have worried about
disintermediation for a long time, and crowdsourcing is at least as good and maybe better than
expert selection in allowing us to find good/bad. If 20 people make a
derivative Star Wars movie, but the crowd is good at finding the right one.
Linford: if the crowd tells us the first Star Wars movie is
good, 20 people rush to follow, and Lucas has to rush out his sequel.  There is also intermediation via FB, Google,
and Spotify, and maybe they’re not sorting in our interests. [But that is not
the same thing at all as causing an overload problem.] We’re not getting the
full picture. [We never were.]
Q: why allow the public domain then?  Pride and Prejudice and Zombies.
Linford: that’s a strong form of the argument—doing something
with a work that I don’t like is wrong b/c I have a strong connection to the
argument. Different question about length v. breadth while in place. People
share that intuition, but the evidence isn’t strong enough.
Betsy Rosenblatt: we live in a world with trends.  The solution is that people tire of sameness.
Doesn’t seem to be a need to do anything other than let the trend run out.
Linford: The more you narrow ©, the more similar the horror
movies are.
Rosenblatt: Why is that bad?
Linford: negative quality. 
Bigger rush to move sequels through the process. What we really want is
new takes on the trend, and © provides some discipline to make things at the
margin more different than they would be. 
[This is not what the literary scholars think.  See David
Roh’s book.
  More production around a
type by people trying to work with what audiences liked about the original is how you get the kind of variation
that creates whole new genres and subgenres. 
Consider Twilight and its progeny; you may not like them, but there’s no
question that Twilight, a sexualized but not explicit supernatural romance, was
part of a causal chain creating a billion-dollar “New Adult” genre.]
Q: reputation?
Linford: reputation matters in part b/c of incentive to
produce the next installment.  [This
account works ok for movies if you ignore that people care about who the
actors/directors are, but terribly for singers. 
Very few albums are “sequels,” even Adele’s.]
Q: it’s an empirical Q whether variety makes people better
off, or whether things that are more different from each other are actually
better b/c of that.  It’s complicated.
You need to support that at the level of a particular genre or market.
Linford: genres might matter, but we do a lot of thinking
about theoretical work/modeling w/o empirics. 
Q: but the models don’t predict that variety makes people
better off. You need an empirical analysis of the genre/market.
Linford: disagree w/©. 
[I think the argument conflates lack of scarcity and
diversity except when it equivocates about them.  We also
impose artificial scarcity to incentivize dissemination.  The idea is that we get “more” copyrighted
works overall.  There are two kinds of “more,”
creating the classic incentives/access tension. 
But you have to define your “more”—is it lots of Batman
merchandise/Frozen merchandise, which © incentivizes and lack of ©
incentivizes, or is it lots of comic books? 
To the extent that ©’s idea/expression distinction allows close cousins,
it also allows you to manage your attention very easily: I tune out ads for
horror movies; I don’t tune in to Fox News.]
What’s In vs. What’s Out: How IP’s Boundary Rules Shape
Innovation
Mark McKenna & Christopher Sprigman
McKenna: Every IP rule defines itself in some way through
negative relation to patent. TM doesn’t allow utilitarian functionality. © is
the same. Design patent focuses nominally on ornamentality, defined as inverse
of functionality; concern was of people avoiding rigor of utility patent
standard by getting design patent instead. Doctrine is noticeably weaker in
exclusion than TM and ©, but in all cases the matter isn’t excluded b/c it
doesn’t meet ordinary standards for protection in ©, TM, etc. but rather b/c
this matter is for utility patent: to avoid undermining utility patent
supremacy.
This only works if other systems have a reasonably clear and
stable sense of what kinds of things belong to utility patent.  IP sense of patent’s domain is mostly
reductive and intuitive; undertheorization of utility patent’s boundaries is
one reason courts have struggled so much to channel. Utility patent law itself
has been quite inconsistent on its domain. This is more than a doctrinal
problem. If you believe that IP exists to create incentives, you can’t be
ambivalent about this point.  IP rights
as substitutes for each other: create incentives that create types of
production. You also still need an explanation for the subject matter of our
different rules even if you don’t care about incentives.
Sprigman: Utility patent focuses on technological
innovation, but what does that mean? Historical sense of meaning of Useful
Arts, working from machines, chemical compositions, etc.  Most important to this is nonobviousness.  Patent law has been inconsistent: look at utility
patent for mixed cut gemstone which enables appreciation of desirable
characteristics of a diamond in ways that prior cuts don’t allow. Is that
functionality? Design patent for gemstone cut was also granted; court says that’s
just pretty, not functional.  Patent on
method for assessing character: what kind of utility is this?  Not technological.  Utility patent is thus inconsistent about its
own grounding.
McKenna: Conundrum: widespread belief in utility = tech
innovation, but in practice inconsistently enforced, yet every other are of IP
acts as if tech innovation is where they should defer to utility patent. But in
many cases TM courts struggle to understand with what it means to be functional—and
then there’s aesthetic functionality, which has always been controversial b/c
some people consider it an oxymoron.  Even
though the SCt endorses the idea, it applies different rules—competitive need
rather than Inwood/Traffix rules. 
Undertheorization of functionality thus means courts don’t even
recognize that they’re using functionality in a particular way. Features can be
useful as marketing tools, to make things look better, etc.; tech utility is a
normative choice, which doesn’t make it wrong but does make it worth talking
about.
Star Athletica
panel agreed that the design should be evaluated by asking what the functions were
and then seeing if they were separable. 
For majority, function was to cover the body. For dissent, the purpose
of the design was inescapably to identify the wearer as a cheerleader, making
chevrons etc. inseparable.  Case turns on
court’s understanding of what should be kept out of © as functional.
Sprigman: how to fix? One approach: if patent is open to
aesthetic utility, then exclude much more from other fields.  Or we could explicitly limit utility patent
to tech innovation and be rigorous about it w/in patent too.
Q: Ted Sichelman: a lot of this goes back to historical
differentiation of guilds, dividing tech and fine arts. Based on institutional
concerns, modes of production; do changes in these things justify rethinking
the boundaries?
Sprigman: the kind of education of people who enter into the
patent system is very different; part of difficulty w/design patents is that
the PTO doesn’t attract people w/aesthetic education to understand trends and
prior art.
McKenna: Perhaps the features of the patent system are
suited to the kinds of innovation it generally covered.  If that’s the case, then we might want to avoid
growing the system.
Q: what’s the right answer?
McKenna: collective effort is required. The paper tries to
show that IP has a problem as a system and that it needs to be addressed.  Makes it easier for people to use one right
to protect that which other rights want to leave free for general use—overprotection.
Most areas of IP haven’t internalized the systemic costs, not accounted for
overlapping rights, thus haven’t calibrated right.
Sprigman: if pill efficacy depends in part on color b/c of
placebo effect: is utility patent going to treat that as patentable? Might be
within patent subject matter but not patentable because obvious.  If so, TM will kick it out. Is that
good?  If utility patent doesn’t accept
pill color, then will TM accept it? Or will TM start thinking about competitive
need for pill color?  If you think
placebos respond to incentives, we might want to exclude it from TM.
Q: If all regimes have delineations, why do we need to
worry?
McKenna: Not everything will fit somewhere; we also need to
be concerned b/c TM etc. make claims about what utility patent is/does and if
those are wrong we have issues.
Patent Clutter
Janet Freilich
We don’t know much about what’s in patent claims. They’re
supposed to point out and distinctly claim the invention.  Many empirical studies about patent
litigation, few about claims. Textual analysis of 25,000 patents. Are claims
really only about the invention?  Test:
does claim language appear in the specification?  Result: about 25% of claim language appears
rarely or never in the specification.
Invention in claims must be discussed in the specification;
if not discussed, unlikely to be new/used in a new way/combined in a new
way/etc.  “Non-inventive language.”  E.g., list of pharmaceuticals that are known
to be delivery devices—not really what the invention is about.  Average of 9.4% of claim words are nowhere in
the specification.  About 90% of
noninventive language is in dependent claims. Highest in chemistry and pharma
(27%), computer lowest (21%). Patents w/more noninventive language roughly
correlates w/fewer forward citations and lower renewal rates.
Limitations: probably underestimates noninventive language
b/c a claim term can be mentioned many times in specification and not be about
the invention. Can’t account for drawings.
Why?  Signaling:
patents are marketing documents.  Decoy
function: if you claim 100 different things, competitor doesn’t know which you’ll
choose. To avoid rejection during prosecution. Insurance against future
commercial uncertainty or litigation—to make it more likely that your claim
covers the commercial embodiment.
Implications: may not satisfy §112.  Clarity. Have to be one sentence long;
sometimes noninventive elements make a claim 4 pages long. Words by definition
aren’t defined in specification, and if they’re vague that increases the
challenge. But exemplars can increase clarity of general terms.  Prosecution: examiners struggle
w/noninventive language; can be part of strategy to run down examiner; creates
difficulty of search by generating false positives; creates impresssion of
patent thicket, but if term is part of noninventive language, patents may not
be relevant.
Claims are doing more than just describing an
invention.  Is there a heart of the
invention?  What does the ideal claim
look like? What is its purpose? May not be possible for claims to be only about
the invention.
Jeanne Fromer: amended claims are written by lawyers, not
inventors.  Hard to make comparisons.
Freilich: synonyms are discouraged; prosecuting attys are
careful about trying to satisfy written description/enablement.  Great idea to look at amended claims. About
half of patents add noninventive language during prosecution, apparently in
response to examiner rejections. 25% take out noninventive language during
prosecution, and the remainder stay the same.
What We Buy When We “Buy Now”
Aaron Perzanowski & Chris Hoofnagle
What does it mean to own or buy something in the digital
economy?  Amazon’s remote deletion of
copies of 1984 was a particularly
notable incident, but happens quite often. 
Empirical testing of different consumer options.
Takeaway: consumers are confused about what rights they
acquire.  We asked: can you lend this
book to a friend, resell it, give it away, leave it to someone in your will,
keep it as long as you want?  Most people
believed of digital goods that they could own, keep, have it on any device; 1/3
think they can leave ebooks in will, give them away; ½ think they can lend
them.  Resale and copy were the only ones
where about 15% thought they could do it. 
“License now” instead of “buy now” created many fewer responses that they
“owned” the book but the other operations like lend, give in will, etc.
remained very similar.  Short notice
about rights for ebooks did a bit better in terms of reducing beliefs in right
to lend, gift, resell (though many percentages were still above the #s that
often indicate deception in reasonable consumers).  Women and people over 65 tended to be more correct
than younger white men, who tended to have a sense of entitlement over what
they could do with their “purchases.”  [Which
is a reminder that entitlement has good and bad aspects.]  On average, people who saw “license now” and “buy
now” got less than ½ of questions about rights correct; short notice increased
correct answers by one, whereas “buy now” for hard copy were mostly right,
though not all thought they had the rights they did.  Preferences in terms of rights were the same
for ebooks and hard copy; 54% were willing to pay more for at least one of
three control rights, often $1-3 for products ranging from $6-12.  Lack of rights makes them more likely to
download illegally and to stream.
Justin Hughes: did you adequately separate digital file from
device in Q about lending/gift?
A: we tried to make it clear that you were asked about
lending a digital file, not a device, but that is definitely a concern.
Eric Goldman: Another story to be told from your data: it’s
really hard to inform consumers. Many still aren’t getting the message w/the
short notice.
A: They had one exposure to the short notice—I would think
that repeated exposure might increase results. [Probably not, which he then
notes as a potential for ignoring the standard notice.]  We aren’t pro designers/ UIX designers—a professional
might well do a much better job. What this tells me is that this is a promising
avenue for improving consumer understanding. 
[Richard Craswell has done excellent work on the CBA aspects of this—how
much we should invest to inform those consumers who can be informed, even if we
can’t fix everything.]
Q: re change over time.

A: there’s a level of dissatisfaction w/inability to get
kinds of rights they expect. The only thing growing as quickly as streaming is
vinyl records: people are willing to pay for permanence, but the sellers don’t
want to sell.  [And of course there’s the
classic xkcd making this point, not to
mention Calibre and its easily
available plugins for your ebook backup needs.]

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failure to speak can be advertising but not presentations to trainers

WIKA Instrument I, LP v. Ashcroft, Inc., 2015 WL 11199059, No.
13-CV-43 (N.D. Ga. Jul. 10, 2016)
WIKA sued Ashcroft, a competing maker of pressure gauges,
for false advertising and related claims, and Ashcroft counterclaimed
similarly.  WIKA sells the XSEL Process
Gauge, available with either a dry case or a liquid-filled case, and Ashcroft’s
competing models are the Ashcroft Type 1279 Duragauge and the Type 1259
Duragauge.
Of broader note: Durability claims made in PowerPoint slides
created by Ashcroft for use in a “Train the Trainer” presentation shared with
Ashcroft’s sales force and product specialists at its distributors:  These people weren’t members of the relevant
purchasing public. The only evidence that the advertisement may have been
disseminated to an actual consumer was one exchange.  This wasn’t enough to constitute “commercial
advertising or promotion,” given the size of the pressure gauge market.
Ashcroft’s counterclaims: Ashcroft alleged that WIKA mislead
consumers regarding the composition of its gauges by selling consumers its
gauge made of thermoplastic material despite consumers identifying in their
requests for quotation (“RFQ”) that they sought a phenolic gauge. Ashcroft
claimed that WIKA should have filed an “exception” to any RFQs for a phenolic
gauge to notify customers of the discrepancy.  WIKA argued that this wasn’t commercial
advertising or promotion because it was merely a failure to speak, but the
cases didn’t support a distinction between affirmative and negative conduct. “False
advertising claims often turn on what was not said or disclosed by the
defendant; less than full disclosure may constitute actionable false
advertising.”
WIKA argued that only consumers had standing to challenge its
practice because they decided whether WIKA needed to “except” to a bid
specification.  But that didn’t
distinguish WIKA’s practices from those of advertisers in general; consumers
might be injured too, but the Lanham
Act isn’t for them.
As for durability claims, Ashcroft argued that cited tests
didn’t support WIKA’s claims. For example, Ashcroft argues that the tests only
showed, on average, that the XSEL lasted 4.46 times longer than the 1279 rather
than 5 times longer, and the test included only Ashcroft and no other
competitors. WIKA responded that the difference between 5 and 4.46 was “a
partial truth, at worst,” and that WIKA reasonably assumed that its gauge would
outlast other, cheaper competitors.  The
court left this dispute for the finder of fact.
Ashcroft did offer testimony about harm about specific
consumers who bought XSEL gauges rather than 1279 gauges when WIKA failed to
except to bid specifications for phenolic gauges.  Moreover, a presumption of injury could apply
in this case, given that there was sufficient evidence for a reasonable trier
of fact to conclude that some comparative statements were willfully deceptive: “Specifically,
there is evidence that WIKA did not have access to the tests performed by its
German parent company prior to making the 5 times longer claim based on the
tests. There is also evidence that WIKA did not perform its own testing for the
2.5 times or more representation; WIKA relied only on an anecdote from a
consumer.”
The same evidence failed for tortious interference, though,
because Georgia requires more than circumstantial evidence that the plaintiff
would have received the business—it requires direct evidence. 
WIKA Instrument I, LP v. Ashcroft, Inc., 2013 WL 12061904,
No. 13-CV-43 (N.D. Ga. Jul. 3, 2013)

Showed up in the same Westclip search (I’m getting a lot of
these oldsters recently).  Of possible
greater relevance: the court declined to require WIKA’s Lanham Act claim to
satisfy Rule 9(b).  In addition, WIKA was
not required to plead that it had consumer surveys supporting its allegations
of misleadingness. “[T]he standard on summary judgment is different than the
standard on a motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim pursuant to Rule
12(b)(6). WIKA is not required to prove every element of its claim at this
stage of the proceedings.”

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